809 resultados para Political Inheritance
Resumo:
This paper reviews the policy learning literature in political science. In recent years, the number of publications on learning in the political realm increased dramatically. Researchers have focused on how policymakers and administrators adapt policies based on learning processes or experiences. Thereby, learning has been discussed in very different ways. Authors have referred to learning in the context of ideas, understood as deeply held beliefs, and, as change and adaptation of policy instruments. Two other strands of literature have taken into consideration learning, namely the diffusion literature and research on transfer, which put forward learning to understand who learns from whom and what. Opposed to these views, political learning emphasizes the adaptation of new strategies by policymakers over the transfer of knowledge or broad ideas. In this approach, learning occurs due to the failure of existing policies, increasing problem pressure, scientific innovations, or a combination of these elements.
Resumo:
Political actors use ICTs in a different manner and in different degrees when it comes to achieving a closer relationship between the public and politicians. Usually, political parties develop ICT strategies only for electoral campaigning and therefore restrain ICT usages to providing information and establishing a few channels of communication. By contrast, local governments make much more use of ICT tools for participatory and deliberative purposes. These differences in usages have not been well explained in the literature because of a lack of a comprehensive explanatory model. This chapter seeks to build the basis for this model, that is, to establish which factors affect and condition different political uses of ICTs and which principles underlie that behaviour. We consider that political actors are intentional and their behaviour is mediated by the political institutions and the socioeconomic context of the country. Also, though, the actor¿s own characteristics, such as the type and size of the organization or the model of e-democracy that the actor upholds, can have an influence in launching ICT initiatives for approaching the public.
Resumo:
For years a literature on the uses that political parties make of information andcommunication technologies (ICTs) has been developed. It is a rapidly increasing, rich,and interesting field in the forefront of the investigation in political science. Generally,these works start from the expectation that the ICTs have a regenerative potential forliberal democracies and for the political parties as well. In developed societies, politicalparties have experienced some transformations that have leaded them to an increasingdivorce with the public. This divorce is shown by the decay of party adscription andmembership, and also by the decay of the conventional political participation. In thetheoretical discussion this situation has been described as ¿the crisis of the democracy¿(Norris, 1999). According to the more radically oriented scholars this crisis reflects theincapacities of liberal democracies. In this sense, ICTs suppose a great opportunity tosurpass the representative institutions and to institutionalize new forms of directdemocracy. More moderate scholars have considered that ICTs offer the opportunity for¿renaissance¿ for representative institutions, as they can reinforce the bonds between thepublic and its representatives.
Resumo:
Discussions about the culture-economy articulation have occurred largely within theconfines of economic geography. In addition, much attention has been diverted intocaricaturized discussions over the demise of political economy or the invalidity ofculturalist arguments. Moving the argument from the inquiry on the ¿nature¿ of theeconomy itself to the transformation of the role of culture and economy inunderstanding the production of the urban form from an urban political economy (UPE)this paper focuses on how the challenges posed by the cultural turn have enabled urbanpolitical economy to participate constructively in interdisciplinary efforts to reorientpolitical economy in the direction of a critical cultural political economy.
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Several empirical studies have analyzed the factors that influence local privatization. Variables related to fiscal stress, cost reduction, political processes and ideological attitudes are the most common explanatory variables used in these studies. In this paper, we add to this literature by examining the influence of transaction costs and political factors on local governments’ choices through new variables. In addition to this, we consider the role of additional aspects, such as intermunicipal cooperation as a potential alternative to privatization in order to exploit scale economies or scope economies. We consider two relevant services: solid waste collection and water distribution. Results from our estimates show that privatization (that is, contracting out to a private firm) is less common for water distribution than for solid waste collection. Higher transaction costs in water distribution are consistent with this finding. Furthermore, we find that municipalities with a conservative ruling party privatize more often regardless of the ideological orientation of the constituency. This shows that those political interests able to influence local elections are more important in determining the form of delivery than is the basic ideological stance of the constituency. Finally, we find that intermunicipal cooperation is an alternative to local privatization.
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This article starts by identifying the crucial importance of the notion of historical handicap for the present-day social sciences of Latin America. Such notion is not an original invention made by Latinamericanists. On the contrary, I demonstrate that the genealogy of the notion of historical handicap must be sought in the tradition of Western political philosophy. Such genealogy must take into account the way it was integrated into ethnological descriptions. When and how did the Other become the backward, the primitive? While this relation was secondary for ancient Greek thought, theories of historical development became the main source of ethnological categories in the modern era. Interestingly enough, this modern synthesis suited the practical purpose of justifying two successive waves of European imperialistic: the era of discoveries, and 19th century colonialism. The article concludes by raising questions about the present role and application of the social sciences.
Resumo:
The inheritance of resistance to powdery mildew in the pea cultivar MK-10 and some histological aspects of infection were assessed. For the inheritance study, F1, F2, backcrosses and F3 generations of MK-10 crossed with two susceptible populations were evaluated. Histological evaluations included percentage of germinated conidia, percentage of conidia that formed appresoria, percentage of conidia that established colonies, and number of haustoria per colony. Segregation ratios obtained in the resistance inheritance study were compared by Chi-square (ײ) test and the histological data were analyzed by Tukey's test at 5% probability. It was concluded that resistance of MK-10 to powdery mildew is due to a pair of recessive alleles since it is expressed in the pre-penetration stage and completed by post-penetration localized cellular death, characteristic of the presence of the pair of recessive alleles er1er1.
Resumo:
Politiskt deltagande är en definierande del av varje demokratiskt politiskt system, även mellan valen. Men det har skett en betydande utveckling i vilka aktiviteter som uppfattas som politiskt deltagande. Det är inte enbart aktiviteter i politiska partier som är i fokus, men också olika protestaktiviteter, delaktighet i nya sociala rörelser och livsstilspolitik i form av politisk konsumtion. Politiskt deltagande mellan valen kan leda till en potentiell legitimitetskonflikt. Den potentiella konflikten mellan ansvarsutkrävande och medborgarnas aktiva medverkan har varit känd sedan länge. Representativa demokratier har genom olika institutionella mekanismer försökt konstruera ett fungerande politiskt system som förenar möjligheten för politiskt deltagande med en tydlig ansvarsstruktur. I detta sammanhang har den institutionella öppenheten haft en central position eftersom denna antas påverka hur lätt det är för medborgarna att påverka de formella beslutfattarna. Avhandlingen undersöker därmed konsekvenserna av institutionell öppenhet för olika former av politiskt deltagande. Resultaten tyder på att demokratiska staters institutionella uppbyggnad har väsentliga konsekvenser för det politiska deltagandet. Men samspelet mellan systemet och deltagandet verkar vara mera invecklat än de dominerande teorierna om politiska institutioner och deltagande ger vid handen. Institutionell öppenhet har inte den förväntade effekt beroende på om den politiska handlingen sker inom eller utanför det formella systemet, och den institutionella effekten är mera uttalad för föreningsaktivism och politisk konsumtion, vilket är de aktiviteter som ligger längst bort från det formella politiska systemet. Resultaten utmanar därmed centrala teoretiska antaganden inom forskningen om politiskt deltagande. I ljuset av de resultat som presenteras i avhandlingen framstår det som särskilt angeläget att omvärdera effekten av institutionell öppenhet.
Resumo:
Integrum-aineistokoulutuksen 28.9. - 29.9.2011 koulutusmateriaalia