987 resultados para Intervention socio-culturel


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The prevalence of overweight and obesity has increased with alarming speed over the past twenty years. It has recently been described by the World Health Organisation as a ‘global epidemic’. In the year 2000 more than 300 million people worldwide were obese and it is now projected that by 2025 up to half the population of the United States will be obese if current trends are maintained. The disease is now a major public health problem throughout Europe. In Ireland at the present time 39% of adults are overweight and 18% are obese. Of these, slightly more men than women are obese and there is a higher incidence of the disease in lower socio-economic groups. Most worrying of all is the fact that childhood obesity has reached epidemic proportions in Europe, with body weight now the most prevalent childhood disease. While currently there are no agreed criteria or standards for assessing Irish children for obesity some studies are indicating that the numbers of children who are significantly overweight have trebled over the past decade. Extrapolation from authoritative UK data suggests that these numbers could now amount to more than 300,000 overweight and obese children on the island of Ireland and they are probably rising at a rate of over 10,000 per year. A balance of food intake and physical activity is necessary for a healthy weight. The foods we individually consume and our participation in physical activity are the result of a complex supply and production system. The growing research evidence that energy dense foods promote obesity is impressive and convincing. These are the foods that are high in fat, sugar and starch. Of these potentially the most significant promoter of weight gain is fat and foods from the top shelf of the food pyramid including spreads (butter and margarine), cakes and biscuits, and confectionery, when combined are the greatest contributors to fat intake in the Irish diet. In company with their adult counterparts Irish children are also consuming large amounts of energy dense foods outside the home. A recent survey revealed that slightly over half of these children ate sweets at least once a day and roughly a third of them had fizzy drinks and crisps with the same regularity. Sugar sweetened carbonated drinks are thought to contribute to obesity and for this reason the World Health Organisation has expressed serious concerns at the high and increasing consumption of these drinks by children. Physical activity is an important determinant of body weight. Over recent decades there has been a marked decline in demanding physical work and this has been accompanied by more sedentary lifestyles generally and reduced leisure-time activity. These observable changes, which are supported by data from most European countries and the United States, suggest that physical inactivity has made a significant impact on the increase in overweight and obesity being seen today. It is now widely accepted that adults shoud be involved in 45-60 minutes, and children should be involved in at least 60 minutes per day of moderate physical activity in order to prevent excess weight gain. Being overweight today not only signals increased risk of medical problems but also exposes people to serious psychosocial problems due mainly to widespread prejudice against fat people. Prejudice against obese people seems to border on the socially acceptable in Ireland. It crops up consistently in surveys covering groups such as employers, teachers, medical and healthcare personnel, and the media. It occurs among adolescents and children, even very young children. Because obesity is associated with premature death, excessive morbidity and serious psychosocial problems the damage it causes to the welfare of citizens is extremely serious and for this reason government intervention is necessary and warranted. In economic terms, a figure of approximately â,¬30million has been estimated for in-patient costs alone in 2003 for a number of Irish hospitals. This year about 2,000 premature deaths in Ireland will be attributed to obesity and the numbers are growing relentlessly. Diseases which proportionally more obese people suffer from than the general population include hypertension, type 2 diabetes, angina, heart attack and osteoarthritis. There are indirect costs also such as days lost to the workplace due to illness arising from obesity and output foregone as a result of premature death. Using the accepted EU environmental cost benefit method, these deaths alone may be costing the state as much as â,¬4bn per year. The social determinants of physical activity include factors such as socio-economic status, education level, gender, family and peer group influences as well as individual perceptions of the benefits of physical activity. The environmental determinants include geographic location, time of year, and proximity of facilities such as open spaces, parks and safe recreational areas generally. The environmental factors have not yet been as well studied as the social ones and this research gap needs to be addressed. Clearly there is a public health imperative to ensure that relevant environmental policies maximise opportunities for active transport, recreational physical activity and total physical activity. It is clear that concerted policy initiatives must be put in place if the predominantly negative findings of research regarding the determinants of food consumption and physical activity are to be accepted, and they must surely be accepted by government if the rapid increase in the incidence of obesity with all its negative consequences for citizens is to be reversed. So far actions surrounding nutrition policies have concentrated mostly on actions that are within the remit of the Department of Health and Children such as implementing the dietary guidelines. These are important but government must now look at the totality of policies that influence the type and supply of food that its citizens eat and the range and quality of opportunities that are available to citizens to engage in physical activity. This implies a fundamental examination of existing agricultural, industrial, economic and other policies and a determination to change them if they do not enable people to eat healthily and partake in physical activity. The current crisis in obesity prevalence requires a population health approach for adults and children in addition to effective weight-reduction management for individuals who are severely overweight. This entails addressing the obesogenic environment where people live, creating conditions over time which lead to healthier eating and more active living, and protecting people from the widespread availability of unhealthy food and beverage options in addition to sedentary activities that take up all of their leisure time. People of course have a fundamental right to choose to eat what they want and to be as active as they wish. That is not the issue. What the National Taskforce on Obesity has had to take account of is that many forces are actively impeding change for those well aware of the potential health and well-being consequences to themselves of overweight and obesity. The Taskforce’s social change strategy is to give people meaningful choice. Choice, or the capacity to change (because the strategy is all about change), is facilitated through the development of personal skills and preferences, through supportive and participative environments at work, at school and in the local community, and through a dedicated and clearly communicated public health strategy. High-level cabinet support will be necessary to implement the Taskforce’s recommendations. The approach to implementation must be characterised by joined-up thinking, real practical engagement by the public and private sectors, the avoidance of duplication of effort or crosspurpose approaches, and the harnessing of existing strategies and agencies. The range of government departments with roles to play is considerable. The Taskforce outlines the different contributions that each relevant department can make in driving its strategy forward. It also emphasises its requirement that all phases of the national strategy for healthy eating and physical activity are closely monitored, analysed and evaluated. The vision of the Taskforce is expressed as: An Irish society that enables people through health promotion, prevention and care to achieve and maintain healthy eating and active living throughout their lifespan. Its high-level goals are expressed as follows: Its recommendations, over eighty in all, relate to actions across six broad sectors: high-level government; education; social and community; health; food, commodities, production and supply; and the physical environment. In developing its recommendations the Taskforce has taken account of the complex, multisectoral and multi-faceted determinants of diet and physical activity. This strategy poses challenges for government, within individual departments, inter-departmentally and in developing partnerships with the commercial sector. Equally it challenges the commercial sector to work in partnership with government. The framework required for such initiative has at its core the rights and benefits of the individual. Health promotion is fundamentally about empowerment, whether at the individual, the community or the policy level.

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Click here to download PDF The prevalence of overweight and obesity has increased with alarming speed over the past twenty years. It has recently been described by the World Health Organisation as a ‘global epidemic’. In the year 2000 more than 300 million people worldwide were obese and it is now projected that by 2025 up to half the population of the United States will be obese if current trends are maintained. The disease is now a major public health problem throughout Europe. In Ireland at the present time 39% of adults are overweight and 18% are obese. Of these, slightly more men than women are obese and there is a higher incidence of the disease in lower socio-economic groups. Most worrying of all is the fact that childhood obesity has reached epidemic proportions in Europe, with body weight now the most prevalent childhood disease. While currently there are no agreed criteria or standards for assessing Irish children for obesity some studies are indicating that the numbers of children who are significantly overweight have trebled over the past decade. Extrapolation from authoritative UK data suggests that these numbers could now amount to more than 300,000 overweight and obese children on the island of Ireland and they are probably rising at a rate of over 10,000 per year. A balance of food intake and physical activity is necessary for a healthy weight. The foods we individually consume and our participation in physical activity are the result of a complex supply and production system. The growing research evidence that energy dense foods promote obesity is impressive and convincing. These are the foods that are high in fat, sugar and starch. Of these potentially the most significant promoter of weight gain is fat and foods from the top shelf of the food pyramid including spreads (butter and margarine), cakes and biscuits, and confectionery, when combined are the greatest contributors to fat intake in the Irish diet. In company with their adult counterparts Irish children are also consuming large amounts of energy dense foods outside the home. A recent survey revealed that slightly over half of these children ate sweets at least once a day and roughly a third of them had fizzy drinks and crisps with the same regularity. Sugar sweetened carbonated drinks are thought to contribute to obesity and for this reason the World Health Organisation has expressed serious concerns at the high and increasing consumption of these drinks by children. Physical activity is an important determinant of body weight. Over recent decades there has been a marked decline in demanding physical work and this has been accompanied by more sedentary lifestyles generally and reduced leisure-time activity. These observable changes, which are supported by data from most European countries and the United States, suggest that physical inactivity has made a significant impact on the increase in overweight and obesity being seen today. It is now widely accepted that adults shoud be involved in 45-60 minutes, and children should be involved in at least 60 minutes per day of moderate physical activity in order to prevent excess weight gain. Being overweight today not only signals increased risk of medical problems but also exposes people to serious psychosocial problems due mainly to widespread prejudice against fat people. Prejudice against obese people seems to border on the socially acceptable in Ireland. It crops up consistently in surveys covering groups such as employers, teachers, medical and healthcare personnel, and the media. It occurs among adolescents and children, even very young children. Because obesity is associated with premature death, excessive morbidity and serious psychosocial problems the damage it causes to the welfare of citizens is extremely serious and for this reason government intervention is necessary and warranted. In economic terms, a figure of approximately â,¬30million has been estimated for in-patient costs alone in 2003 for a number of Irish hospitals. This year about 2,000 premature deaths in Ireland will be attributed to obesity and the numbers are growing relentlessly. Diseases which proportionally more obese people suffer from than the general population include hypertension, type 2 diabetes, angina, heart attack and osteoarthritis. There are indirect costs also such as days lost to the workplace due to illness arising from obesity and output foregone as a result of premature death. Using the accepted EU environmental cost benefit method, these deaths alone may be costing the state as much as â,¬4bn per year. The social determinants of physical activity include factors such as socio-economic status, education level, gender, family and peer group influences as well as individual perceptions of the benefits of physical activity. The environmental determinants include geographic location, time of year, and proximity of facilities such as open spaces, parks and safe recreational areas generally. The environmental factors have not yet been as well studied as the social ones and this research gap needs to be addressed. Clearly there is a public health imperative to ensure that relevant environmental policies maximise opportunities for active transport, recreational physical activity and total physical activity. It is clear that concerted policy initiatives must be put in place if the predominantly negative findings of research regarding the determinants of food consumption and physical activity are to be accepted, and they must surely be accepted by government if the rapid increase in the incidence of obesity with all its negative consequences for citizens is to be reversed. So far actions surrounding nutrition policies have concentrated mostly on actions that are within the remit of the Department of Health and Children such as implementing the dietary guidelines. These are important but government must now look at the totality of policies that influence the type and supply of food that its citizens eat and the range and quality of opportunities that are available to citizens to engage in physical activity. This implies a fundamental examination of existing agricultural, industrial, economic and other policies and a determination to change them if they do not enable people to eat healthily and partake in physical activity. The current crisis in obesity prevalence requires a population health approach for adults and children in addition to effective weight-reduction management for individuals who are severely overweight. This entails addressing the obesogenic environment where people live, creating conditions over time which lead to healthier eating and more active living, and protecting people from the widespread availability of unhealthy food and beverage options in addition to sedentary activities that take up all of their leisure time. People of course have a fundamental right to choose to eat what they want and to be as active as they wish. That is not the issue. What the National Taskforce on Obesity has had to take account of is that many forces are actively impeding change for those well aware of the potential health and well-being consequences to themselves of overweight and obesity. The Taskforce’s social change strategy is to give people meaningful choice. Choice, or the capacity to change (because the strategy is all about change), is facilitated through the development of personal skills and preferences, through supportive and participative environments at work, at school and in the local community, and through a dedicated and clearly communicated public health strategy. High-level cabinet support will be necessary to implement the Taskforce’s recommendations. The approach to implementation must be characterised by joined-up thinking, real practical engagement by the public and private sectors, the avoidance of duplication of effort or crosspurpose approaches, and the harnessing of existing strategies and agencies. The range of government departments with roles to play is considerable. The Taskforce outlines the different contributions that each relevant department can make in driving its strategy forward. It also emphasises its requirement that all phases of the national strategy for healthy eating and physical activity are closely monitored, analysed and evaluated. The vision of the Taskforce is expressed as: An Irish society that enables people through health promotion, prevention and care to achieve and maintain healthy eating and active living throughout their lifespan. Its high-level goals are expressed as follows: Its recommendations, over eighty in all, relate to actions across six broad sectors: high-level government; education; social and community; health; food, commodities, production and supply; and the physical environment. In developing its recommendations the Taskforce has taken account of the complex, multisectoral and multi-faceted determinants of diet and physical activity. This strategy poses challenges for government, within individual departments, inter-departmentally and in developing partnerships with the commercial sector. Equally it challenges the commercial sector to work in partnership with government. The framework required for such initiative has at its core the rights and benefits of the individual. Health promotion is fundamentally about empowerment, whether at the individual, the community or the policy level.

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Gifted children develop asynchronously, often advanced for their age cognitively, but at or between their chronological and mental ages socially and emotionally (Robinson, 2008). In order to help gifted children and adolescents develop and practice social and emotional self-regulation skills, we investigated the use of an Adlerian play therapy approach during pen-and-paper role-playing games. Additionally, we used Goffman's (1961, 1974) social role identification and distance to encourage participants to experiment with new identities. Herein, we propose a psychosocial model of interactions during role-playing games based on Goffman's theory and Adlerian play therapy techniques, and suggest that role-playing games are an effective way of intervening with gifted children and adolescents to improve their intra- and interpersonal skills. We specifically targeted intrapersonal skills of exercising creativity, becoming self-aware, and setting individual goals by raising participants' awareness of their privately logical reasons for making decisions and their levels of social interest. We also targeted their needs and means of seeking significance in the group to promote collaboration and interaction skills with other gifted peers through role analysis, embracement, and distancing. We report results from a case study and conclude that role-playing games deserve more attention, both from researchers and clinical practitioners, because they encourage change while improving young clients' social and emotional development.

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Résumé Rôle des paramètres sociopolitiques et des connaissances dans la gestion des risques hydrologiques¦La recherche analyse (1) la mise en oeuvre de la gestion des risques hydrologiques et (2) les connaissances dont disposent les acteurs sur ces derniers, ainsi que (3) les interdépendances entre ces deux volets. Au total, trois études de cas ont été réalisées dont deux études régionales (ville de Berne, commune de Saillon) et une étude sur un acteur spécifique (les corporations de digues dans le canton de Berne). Les données empiriques ont été obtenues par des entretiens oraux semi-directifs et des enquêtes écrites.¦La gestion des risques hydrologiques est fortement influencée par des paramètres sociopolitiques, c'est-à-dire par les intérêts et les objectifs des acteurs, par les rapports de force entre ceux-ci ainsi que par les processus de négociation et de décision. Dans la pratique, les démarches de gestion se restreignent toutefois majoritairement aux aspects physiques, techniques et administratifs des risques hydrologiques. La dimension sociopolitique est ainsi négligée, ce qui est source de conflits qui ralentissent considérablement la planification de la protection contre les crues, voire la bloquent même complètement. La gestion des risques hydrologiques est en outre largement focalisée sur la réduction des aléas. Lés débats sur la vulnérabilité sont nettement plus rares bien qu'ils soient indispensables lorsqu'il s'agit de traiter les risques de façon holistique.¦Etant donné l'importance de la dimension sociopolitique et de la vulnérabilité, il est nécessaire que les démarches prévues dans la gestion des risques hydrologiques soient reconsidérées et adaptées. De plus, une meilleure intégration de tous les acteurs concernés est primordiale afin de trouver des solutions qui soient acceptables pour une majorité. Pour l'instant, le recours à des instruments de négociation est insuffisant.¦Les connaissances des risques hydrologiques et de leur gestion peuvent être classées en quatre répertoires (connaissances du système, de l'événement, de l'intervention et connaissances sociopolitiques) qui influent tous sur la réduction des risques. Parmi les facteurs les plus importants susceptibles de déclencher des transformations se trouvent l'occurrence de crues, la réalisation d'études (portant sur les aléas, la vulnérabilité, les mesures, etc.), l'échange de connaissances entre les acteurs, ainsi que la recherche de solutions lors de la gestion.¦Les caractéristiques des connaissances varient considérablement selon les acteurs. L'appartenance à un groupe donné ne permet toutefois pas à elle seule de déterminer l'état des connaissances : tous les acteurs peuvent avoir des connaissances pertinentes pour la gestion des risques. Les différences entre les acteurs rendent pourtant la communication compliquée. Ce problème pourrait être atténué par des médiateurs qui assureraient un travail de traduction. Dans la pratique, de telles instances manquent généralement.¦La gestion et les connaissances des risques hydrologiques sont fortement interdépendantes. L'état et les caractéristiques des connaissances déterminent directement la qualité de la protection contre les crues. Des lacunes ou des imprécisions peuvent donc entraîner une gestion non adaptée aux risques présents. Afin d'éviter une telle situation, il est important que les connaissances sur les risques hydrologiques et sur les possibilités d'y faire face soient régulièrement remises à jour. Ne devant pas se restreindre à l'expérience de crues passées, il est impératif qu'elles contiennent aussi des réflexions prospectives et des scénarios novateurs.¦La gestion n'est pas seulement demandeuse en connaissances, elle est également susceptible d'en générer de nouvelles et d'élargir les connaissances existantes. Il convient donc de considérer la création et le transfert de connaissances comme une tâche centrale de la gestion des risques.¦Zusammenfassung Die Rolle der soziopolitischen Parameter und des Wissens im Umgang mit hydrologischen Risiken¦Die Arbeit untersucht drei Themenbereiche: (1) den soziopolitischen Umgang mit hydrologischen Risiken, (2) das Wissen, über das die Akteure bezüglich der Hochwasserrisiken verfügen sowie (3) die Wechselwirkungen zwischen diesen beiden Themenfeldern. Insgesamt wurden drei Fallstudien durchgeführt, darunter zwei regionale Studien (Stadt Bern, Gemeinde Saillon) und eine Untersuchung eines spezifischen Akteurs (Schwellenkorporationen im Kanton Bern). Die empirischen Daten wurden anhand von halbstandardisierten Interviews und schriftlichen Umfragen erhoben.¦Das Management hydrologischer Risiken ist stark von soziopolitischen Parametern beeinflusst, d.h. von Interessen und Zielvorstellungen der Akteure, von Machtverhältnissen und von Verhandlungs- und Entscheidungsprozessen. Die in der Praxis vorgesehenen Schritte zur Reduktion der Hochwasserrisiken beschränken sich jedoch meist auf die physischen, administrativen und technischen Aspekte der Risiken. Die Vernachlässigung ihrer soziopolitischen Dimension führt zu Konflikten, welche die Planung von Hochwasserschutzprojekten deutlich verlangsamen oder gar blockieren. Des Weiteren konzentriert sich das Risikomanagement im Wesentlichen auf die Reduktion der Gefahren. Gesellschaftliche Debatten zur Vulnerabilität sind deutlich seltener, obschon sie für einen umfassenden Umgang mit Risiken unabdingbar sind.¦Angesichts der Bedeutung der soziopolitischen Dimension und der Vulnerabilität ist es notwendig, dass die Vorgehensweise im Risikomanagement überdacht und angepasst wird. Zudem ist eine bessere Integration aller betroffener Akteure unablässig, um mehrheitsfähige Lösungen zu finden. Zur Zeit ist der Rückgriff auf entsprechende Instrumente ungenügend.¦Das Wissen über hydrologische Risiken und deren Management kann in vier Repertoires eingeteilt werden (Systemwissen, Ereigniswissen, Interventionswissen, soziopolitisches Wissen), die alle bei der Reduktion von Risiken bedeutsam sind. Zu den wichtigsten Faktoren, die Wissenstransformationen auslösen, gehören Hochwasserereignisse, die Durchführung von Studien (zu Gefahren, zur Vulnerabilität, zu Massnahmen usw.), der Wissensaustausch zwischen Akteuren und die Suche nach Lösungen während des Risikomanagements.¦Die Merkmale der Wissensformen unterschieden sich stark zwischen den verschiedenen Akteuren. Die Zugehörigkeit eines Akteurs zu einer bestimmten Gruppe ist jedoch kein ausreichendes Kriterium, um dessen Wissensstand zu bestimmen: Alle Akteure können über Wissen verfügen, das für den Umgang mit Risiken relevant ist. Die Unterschiede zwischen den Akteuren gestalten die Kommunikation allerdings schwierig. Das Problem liesse sich entschärfen, indem Mediatoren eingesetzt würden, die als Übersetzer und Vermittler agierten. In der Praxis fehlen solche Instanzen weitgehend.¦Zwischen dem Umgang mit hydrologischen Risken und dem Wissen bestehen enge Wechselwirkungen. Der Zustand und die Eigenschaften der Wissensformen bestimmen direkt die Qualität des Hochwasserschutzes. Lückenhaftes und unpräzises Wissen kann demnach zu einem Risikomanagement führen, das den tatsächlichen Gegebenheiten nicht angepasst ist. Um eine solche Situation zu verhindern, muss das Wissen über Risiken und Hochwasserschutz regelmässig aktualisiert werden. Dabei darf es sich nicht auf die Erfahrung vergangener Hochwasser beschränken, sondern hat auch vorausschauende Überlegungen und neuartige Szenarien einzubeziehen.¦Das Risikomanagement benötigt nicht nur Wissen, es trägt auch dazu bei, neues Wissen zu t generieren und bestehendes zu erweitern. Die Erarbeitung und der Transfer von Wissen sind deshalb als zentrale Aufgaben des Risikomanagements zu betrachten.¦Abstract¦The role of socio-political parameters and of knowledge in the management of hydrological risks¦The purpose of the thesis is to analyse (1) the socio-political management of hydrological risks, (2) the knowledge about hydrological risks, and (3) the interaction between risk management and knowledge. Three case studies were carried out, two at a regional level (city of Berne, village of Saillon) and one about a specific stakeholder (the dyke corporations in the canton of Berne). Empirical data were collected by the means of semi-structured interviews and surveys.¦The management of hydrological risks is highly influenced by socio-political issues, i.e. by interests and goals of stakeholders, by the balance of power between stakeholders, as well as by negotiations and decision-making processes. In practice, however, risk management is mainly constrained by physical, technical, and administrative aspects. The neglect of the socio-political dimension may thus be the source of conflicts which significantly delay the planning and implementation of flood protection measures, or even stop them. Furthermore, risk management mostly concentrates on hazard reduction. Discussions on vulnerability issues are less frequent although they are fundamental for treating risks in a holistic manner.¦Because of the importance of the social-political dimension and of vulnerability issues, it is necessary that the common approach of managing hydrological risks is reconsidered and adapted. Moreover, the integration of all stakeholders that are concerned with hydrological risks is essential for finding solutions which are supported by a majority. For instance, the application of appropriate negotiation instruments is insufficient.¦Knowledge about hydrological risks and their management can be classified into four categories (system knowledge, event knowledge, intervention knowledge, socio-political knowledge) which are all influencing the reduction of risks. Among the most important factors that are likely to trigger knowledge transformations, one can point out flood events, studies about risk parameters (hazards, vulnerability, protection measures, etc.), knowledge exchange between stakeholders, and the search for solutions during risk management.¦The characteristics of knowledge vary considerably between stakeholders. The affiliation to a specific group is thus not a sufficient criterion to determine the quality of a stakeholder's knowledge: every stakeholder may have knowledge that is relevant for risk management. However, differences between stakeholders complicate the communication. This problem could be attenuated by mediators which ensure the translation between stakeholders. In practice, such instances are generally lacking.¦The management and knowledge of hydrological risks are highly interdependent. The state and the characteristics of the four categories of knowledge determine directly the quality of flood protection. Gaps and imprecison may thus lead to forms of management which are not adapted to the actual risks. This kind of situation can be avoided by updating regularly the knowledge about hydrological risks and about protection measures. However, knowledge must not be restricted to the experience of past floods. On the contrary, it is indispensable also to involve prospective reflections and new scenarios.¦Risk management does not only require knowledge, it may also generate new knowledge and enlarge existing knowledge. The creation and the transfer of knowledge has thus to be seen as a central task in risk management.

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Envisagée comme une situation sociale de rassemblement en rue, l'intervention policière se caractérise par sa nature publique et observable. Le « copwatching », en tant que pratique amateur de captation vidéo des interventions de police, problématise la visibilité des agents sur la voie publique en les soumettant à une surveillance médiatique. M'appuyant sur des exemples vidéos, j'explore les dimensions visuelles et symboliques du travail policier. De la performance policière en rue à la figuration médiatique du policier, l'étude des médiations entre action et image permet d'interroger la perception publique de la police engagée dans les rassemblements. Abstract Cop-watching and the public perception of the police. Police intervention as performance under surveillance. This paper deals with police work as a public performance on the street. Cop-watching, a way of publicly observing and documenting police activities, reveals the complex relationship between public perceptions of law enforcement and the visual nature of much police work. Three methodological approaches to cop-watching videos allow us to highlight the visual dimensions of police work : the study of mass-media images of cops, the study of street performance by real cops, and the study of the ways people make sense of the visual symbolic environment present in everyday police work.

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Primary aims of this intervention are weight management and behaviour change of children 7-16 years old and secondary aims include parental weight management and increase in self esteem and confidence in both children and their families. The Referred Child:Will understand the importance of healthy eating and physical activity.Be able to make informed choices.Will have increased confidence and self esteem. The Parents:Will understand the importance of healthy eating and physical activity.Be able to make informed choices for themselves and their children.Feel empowered to continue a healthy lifestyle. The Family:Will understand the importance of healthy eating and physical activity.Will be able to work as a team to encourage each other to make healthy choices.Will feel confident enough to continue activities together.

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The prevalence of unhealthy drinking at all levels in Irish society poses serious issues in terms of the consequence to individuals concerned, as well as to society as a whole. The workplace offers a useful setting for early identification and intervention with new employees who may have pre-existing alcohol use disorder issues. This pilot study aimed to evaluate the effectiveness within the workplace of a brief Cognitive Behavioural Therapy (CBT) intervention in reducing participants binge and risky drinking behaviours. Twenty-six Irish Naval recruits volunteered to participate in this randomised controlled trial. The intervention was conducted over four consecutive one and a half hour weekly sessions. Participants completed four principle outcome measures at intake, termination of the intervention and at the two-month follow-up assessment. The Alcohol Use Disorders Identification Test (Babor, Higginis-Biddle, Saunders & Monterio, 2001) was used to measures participants’ consumption levels and frequency of binge or risky drinking. A Readiness Ruler (Miller, Zweben, Diclemente, & Rychtarik, 1992) was used to measure participants’ readiness to change drinking, while the Drinking Expectancy Questionnaire (Young & Oei, 1996) was used to measure participants’ beliefs pertaining to alcohol, and their ability to refuse alcohol in high-risk social surroundings. There were preliminary data in support of the intervention. There were interaction effects that approached statistical significance for both a reduction in participants’ binge drinking (p =. 064) and an increase in participants’ ability to refuse alcohol in high-risk social settings (p = .059). There was also a significant interaction effect (pThis resource was contributed by The National Documentation Centre on Drug Use.

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Distribution of socio-economic features in urban space is an important source of information for land and transportation planning. The metropolization phenomenon has changed the distribution of types of professions in space and has given birth to different spatial patterns that the urban planner must know in order to plan a sustainable city. Such distributions can be discovered by statistical and learning algorithms through different methods. In this paper, an unsupervised classification method and a cluster detection method are discussed and applied to analyze the socio-economic structure of Switzerland. The unsupervised classification method, based on Ward's classification and self-organized maps, is used to classify the municipalities of the country and allows to reduce a highly-dimensional input information to interpret the socio-economic landscape. The cluster detection method, the spatial scan statistics, is used in a more specific manner in order to detect hot spots of certain types of service activities. The method is applied to the distribution services in the agglomeration of Lausanne. Results show the emergence of new centralities and can be analyzed in both transportation and social terms.

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BACKGROUND: Brief motivational intervention (BMI) has shown promising results to reduce alcohol use in young adults. Knowledge on mechanisms that predict BMI efficacy could potentially improve treatment effect sizes through data that optimize clinical training and implementation. Particularly, little attention has been given to counselor influence on treatment mechanisms. METHODS: We investigated the influence of counselors on BMI efficacy in reducing alcohol use among non-treatment-seeking young men (age 20) screened as hazardous drinkers. Participants were randomly allocated to (i) a group receiving a single BMI from 1 of 18 counselors selected to maximize differences in several of their characteristics (gender, professional status, clinical experience, and motivational interviewing [MI] experience) or (ii) a control group receiving assessment only. Drinking at 3-month follow-up was first compared between the BMI and control groups to assess efficacy. Then, the influence of counselors' characteristics (i.e., gender, professional status, clinical experience, MI experience, BMI attitudes, and expectancies) and within-session behaviors (i.e., measured by the Motivational Interviewing Skill Code) on outcome was tested in regression analyses. RESULTS: There was a significant (p = 0.02) decrease in alcohol use among the BMI group compared to the control group. Counselors that were male, more experienced, that had more favorable BMI attitudes and expectancies, higher MI skills, but surprisingly less MI-consistent behaviors, had significantly better outcomes than the control group while their counterparts did not. CONCLUSIONS: The current study demonstrated BMI efficacy on alcohol use reduction within a sample of non-treatment-seeking young adult males. Moreover, BMI effect was related to interindividual differences among counselors, and results therefore provide recommendations for BMI training and implementation with similar populations.

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OBJECTIVE: Cognitive change over the course of psychodynamic psychotherapy has been postulated by several models, but has rarely been studied. Based on the adaptive skills model (Badgio, Halperin, & Barber, 1999), it is reasonable to expect that very brief dynamic psychotherapy may be associated with change in coping patterns and cognitive errors (also known as cognitive distortions) y. METHOD: N = 50 outpatients presenting with various psychiatric disorders and undergoing 4 sessions of Brief Psychodynamic Intervention (BPI; Despland, Drapeau, & de Roten, 2005; Despland, Michel, & de Roten, 2010) were included in this naturalistic study (mean age: 31 years; 56% female; all Caucasian). Cognitive errors and coping strategies were assessed using the Cognitive Errors Rating Scale (Drapeau et al., 2008) and Coping Patterns Rating Scale (Perry et al., 2005). These observer rated methods were applied to the verbatim transcriptions of all 4 therapy sessions completed by each patient. RESULTS: Results indicate change in both cognitive errors and coping patterns over the course of BPI, including an increase in the Overall Coping Functioning and a decrease in unhelpful coping processes, such as isolation, which reflects a shift in participant appraisal towards stress appraised as a challenge at the end of treatment. These changes predicted symptom change at the end of treatment. While cognitive errors also changed over the course of BPI, no predictive effect was found with regard to symptom change. CONCLUSIONS: These results are interpreted within the framework of common change principles in psychotherapy. Implications and future research are discussed.

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A brief intervention using motivational and cognitive behavioural approaches to help change drug use. Also offer alternative brief interventions for clients not suited to the current approach. This manual is divided into five sections: Section 1. Context Key points from the National Drug Strategy Monograph No 51. Models of Intervention and Care for Psychostimulant Users are included to present the evidence supporting this type of intervention for regular amphetamine users.  A flow-chart to place the intervention in a treatment context. Section 2. Brief background to the study and summary of results of evaluation A brief description of how the study was developed, undertaken and evaluated. A brief description of the evaluation outcome data (detailed results will be published separately). Section 3. The intervention The CBT intervention is presented in a clear and easy to use format for practitioners. Section 4. Suggested alternative brief interventions for those not suitable for the current intervention This section provides an overview of recommendations for alternative interventions for psychostimulant users who are unsuitable for the CBT intervention (e.g. those who are not considering change, experimental users etc). Section 5. Other available resources This section lists a range of other resources that are currently available for practitioners working with psychostimulant users. This treatment guide has not been designed to stand alone. Rather, practitioners are encouraged to: 1. Acquaint themselves with the current research and clinical literature. The recently completed monograph Models of Intervention and Care for Psychostimulant Users is an excellent resource for current evidence supporting practice in this area. 2. Undertake training in CBT and motivational enhancement techniques if unfamiliar with these approaches. 3. Obtain ongoing clinical supervision.This resource was contributed by The National Documentation Centre on Drug Use.