947 resultados para International economic relations


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The Asia-Pacific Region has enjoyed remarkable economic growth in the last three decades. This rapid economic growth can be partially attributed to the global spread of production networks, which has brought about major changes in spatial interdependence among economies within the region. By applying an Input-Output based spatial decomposition technique to the Asian International Input-Output Tables for 1985 and 2000, this paper not only analyzes the intrinsic mechanism of spatial economic interdependence, but also shows how value added, employment and CO2 emissions induced are distributed within the international production networks.

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Firms that are expanding their cross-border activities, such as vertical specialization trade, outsourcing, and fragmentation productions, have brought dramatic changes to the global economy during the last two decades. In an attempt to understand the evolution of the interaction among countries or country groups, many trade-statistics-based indicators have been developed. However, most of these statistics focus on showing the direct trade-specific-relationship among countries, rather than considering the roles that intercountry and interindustrial production networks play in a global economy. This paper uses the concepts of trade in value added as measured by the input–output tables of OECD and IDE-JETRO to provide alternative indicators that show the evolution of regional economic integration and global value chains for more than 50 economies. In addition, this paper provides thoughts on how to evaluate comparative advantages on the basis of value added using an international input–output model.

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A Work Project, presented as part of the requirements for the Award of a Masters Degree in Management from the NOVA – School of Business and Economics

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After the economic reforms of 1978, China started rising very fast and started engaging other countries in the region which has served to increase its confidence in the region. In the post cold war period, China was seen as a big threat for the region because of its claims on the South China Sea. Nevertheless, this image was eliminated when China engaged ASEAN and other multilateral and regional organizations. This paper is studying China’s economic and security policies towards ASEAN. Globalization Theory is the theory being used to explain the nature of China-ASEAN relations. This research paper argues that China’s rise is promoting peace in the region. With the engagement policy, China started promoting trade and security co operations based on mutual benefits and dialogues for the peaceful resolutions of the disputes in the region. This contributed greatly to improve China’s image in the region. Additionally, China’s posture during the economic crises of 1997 also greatly contributed to improve its image. Thus, the rise of China is providing opportunity to the other countries in East Asia. Chapter One: Background On China-ASEAN Relations The use of Soft Power and engagement policy by the Chinese government has helped to change China’s image in the region. By using these policies China has been able to clear the feeling of suspicion and mistrust among the Asian states. China has increased its participation in multilateral and regional organizations, such as ASEAN. Due to this China has been able to promote economic and security co-operation among countries in the region. Thus, from being a potential threat China became a potential co-operative partner. Chapter Two: A Look into ASEAN ASEAN was originally formed on 8th August 1967 in Bangkok, Thailand, by Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore and Thailand. Nevertheless, ASEAN was not the first regional group created to act as forum for dialogue between the leaders of different countries. Thought, it is the only one which could work in the region. The aim of the foundation of ASEAN was to promote peace and stability in the Abstract 2 region and also contain the spread of communism in Southeast Asia. For this reason, China did not engage ASEAN until 1990. However, in 1978 with the establishment of the open up policy China started engaging other countries. It started building trust among its neighboring countries by using soft power. By 1992, China formalized its diplomatic ties with ASEAN as a group. The diplomatic ties between China and ASEAN focus on multilateralism and co-operation as the best way for a more peaceful Asia and the search for common security. Thus, security in the region is promoted through economic co-operation among the states. Therefore the relation between China – ASEAN emphasizes the five principles of peaceful coexistence, mutual benefits in economic co-operation, dialogue promoting trust and the peaceful settlement of disputes. Chapter Three: China-ASEAN Economic Relations Since 1978 The economic reform of 1978 has greatly contributed to the economic development of China. After the adoption of the open up policy, China has been able to establish economic and trade relations with the outside world. The realist school of thought had predicted that Asia will not be stable in the post cold war period. Nevertheless, this has not been the case in Asia. China is growing peacefully with the co-operation of countries in the region. China is establishing strong ties with its neighboring countries. China and ASEAN relations focus on mutual benefit instead of being a zero sum game. Thus these relations are aimed at encouraging trust and economic co-operation in the region. China and ASEAN have agreed on Free Trade to assure that the two parties benefit from the co-operation. The ACFTA will have a great impact on economic, political and security issues. This will enable China to increase its influence in Asia and counterbalance the influences that Japan and U.S have in the region. Chapter Four: China ASEAN Relations in the Security Perspective This Chapter is about China and ASEAN relations on security issue. The new security issues of the post cold war period need to be solved in multilateral way. China as a major power in the region, through its engagement policy has solved most Abstract 3 of the disputes in the region using multilateral means. China has also found ways to solve the dispute over Spratly Islands peacefully, through dialogue using ASEAN. Additionally, China signed the Treaty of Amity in 2003, promoted security initiatives through ARF, Declaration on Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea and documents covering non-traditional security threats, economic co-operation and agricultural co-operation in November 2002, and the Joint Declaration on Strategic. Chapter Five: Finding and Analysis This chapter provides a quantitative and qualitative analysis of the date collected throughout this research. It provides an analysis of how the rise of China is promoting peace in the region. China has been promoting mutual beneficial trade and security co-operation which has increased its influence in the region. China has also been able to solve most of the territorial and border dispute in the region through ASEAN. Thus, ASEAN has amended China’s relations with other countries in the region. Therefore, China’s foreign policy in the region has a big impact in shaping the dynamic relations in East Asia. Conclusion and Recommendations This paper concluded that the relationships between China and ASEAN are contributing to peace in the region. After China engaged ASEAN, it has been able to promote multilateral trade based on mutual benefit. This is clearly emphasized by the CAFTA. Additionally, China has solved most of the dispute in the region. It has also found way for a peaceful resolution of the dispute over Spratly Island. Nowadays, the ASEAN countries don’t see China as a threat to the region. Nevertheless, they’ve adopted deterrence measures such as establishing diplomatic relations with other big powers in the region to assure that the region continues to grow peacefully. Concerning this deterrence measures, I recommend as another way for a continued peaceful growth, the resolution of the outstanding dispute.

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We propose a model in which economic relations and institutions in advancedand less developed economies differ as these societies have access to different amounts of information. This lack of information makes it hard to give the right incentives to managers and entrepreneurs. We argue that differences in the amount of information arise because of the differences in the scale of activities in rich and poor economies; namely, there is too little repetition of similar activities in pooreconomies, thus insufficient information to set the appropriate standards for firm performance. Our model predicts a number of institutional and structural transformations as the economy accumulates capital and information.

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General Summary Although the chapters of this thesis address a variety of issues, the principal aim is common: test economic ideas in an international economic context. The intention has been to supply empirical findings using the largest suitable data sets and making use of the most appropriate empirical techniques. This thesis can roughly be divided into two parts: the first one, corresponding to the first two chapters, investigates the link between trade and the environment, the second one, the last three chapters, is related to economic geography issues. Environmental problems are omnipresent in the daily press nowadays and one of the arguments put forward is that globalisation causes severe environmental problems through the reallocation of investments and production to countries with less stringent environmental regulations. A measure of the amplitude of this undesirable effect is provided in the first part. The third and the fourth chapters explore the productivity effects of agglomeration. The computed spillover effects between different sectors indicate how cluster-formation might be productivity enhancing. The last chapter is not about how to better understand the world but how to measure it and it was just a great pleasure to work on it. "The Economist" writes every week about the impressive population and economic growth observed in China and India, and everybody agrees that the world's center of gravity has shifted. But by how much and how fast did it shift? An answer is given in the last part, which proposes a global measure for the location of world production and allows to visualize our results in Google Earth. A short summary of each of the five chapters is provided below. The first chapter, entitled "Unraveling the World-Wide Pollution-Haven Effect" investigates the relative strength of the pollution haven effect (PH, comparative advantage in dirty products due to differences in environmental regulation) and the factor endowment effect (FE, comparative advantage in dirty, capital intensive products due to differences in endowments). We compute the pollution content of imports using the IPPS coefficients (for three pollutants, namely biological oxygen demand, sulphur dioxide and toxic pollution intensity for all manufacturing sectors) provided by the World Bank and use a gravity-type framework to isolate the two above mentioned effects. Our study covers 48 countries that can be classified into 29 Southern and 19 Northern countries and uses the lead content of gasoline as proxy for environmental stringency. For North-South trade we find significant PH and FE effects going in the expected, opposite directions and being of similar magnitude. However, when looking at world trade, the effects become very small because of the high North-North trade share, where we have no a priori expectations about the signs of these effects. Therefore popular fears about the trade effects of differences in environmental regulations might by exaggerated. The second chapter is entitled "Is trade bad for the Environment? Decomposing worldwide SO2 emissions, 1990-2000". First we construct a novel and large database containing reasonable estimates of SO2 emission intensities per unit labor that vary across countries, periods and manufacturing sectors. Then we use these original data (covering 31 developed and 31 developing countries) to decompose the worldwide SO2 emissions into the three well known dynamic effects (scale, technique and composition effect). We find that the positive scale (+9,5%) and the negative technique (-12.5%) effect are the main driving forces of emission changes. Composition effects between countries and sectors are smaller, both negative and of similar magnitude (-3.5% each). Given that trade matters via the composition effects this means that trade reduces total emissions. We next construct, in a first experiment, a hypothetical world where no trade happens, i.e. each country produces its imports at home and does no longer produce its exports. The difference between the actual and this no-trade world allows us (under the omission of price effects) to compute a static first-order trade effect. The latter now increases total world emissions because it allows, on average, dirty countries to specialize in dirty products. However, this effect is smaller (3.5%) in 2000 than in 1990 (10%), in line with the negative dynamic composition effect identified in the previous exercise. We then propose a second experiment, comparing effective emissions with the maximum or minimum possible level of SO2 emissions. These hypothetical levels of emissions are obtained by reallocating labour accordingly across sectors within each country (under the country-employment and the world industry-production constraints). Using linear programming techniques, we show that emissions are reduced by 90% with respect to the worst case, but that they could still be reduced further by another 80% if emissions were to be minimized. The findings from this chapter go together with those from chapter one in the sense that trade-induced composition effect do not seem to be the main source of pollution, at least in the recent past. Going now to the economic geography part of this thesis, the third chapter, entitled "A Dynamic Model with Sectoral Agglomeration Effects" consists of a short note that derives the theoretical model estimated in the fourth chapter. The derivation is directly based on the multi-regional framework by Ciccone (2002) but extends it in order to include sectoral disaggregation and a temporal dimension. This allows us formally to write present productivity as a function of past productivity and other contemporaneous and past control variables. The fourth chapter entitled "Sectoral Agglomeration Effects in a Panel of European Regions" takes the final equation derived in chapter three to the data. We investigate the empirical link between density and labour productivity based on regional data (245 NUTS-2 regions over the period 1980-2003). Using dynamic panel techniques allows us to control for the possible endogeneity of density and for region specific effects. We find a positive long run elasticity of density with respect to labour productivity of about 13%. When using data at the sectoral level it seems that positive cross-sector and negative own-sector externalities are present in manufacturing while financial services display strong positive own-sector effects. The fifth and last chapter entitled "Is the World's Economic Center of Gravity Already in Asia?" computes the world economic, demographic and geographic center of gravity for 1975-2004 and compares them. Based on data for the largest cities in the world and using the physical concept of center of mass, we find that the world's economic center of gravity is still located in Europe, even though there is a clear shift towards Asia. To sum up, this thesis makes three main contributions. First, it provides new estimates of orders of magnitudes for the role of trade in the globalisation and environment debate. Second, it computes reliable and disaggregated elasticities for the effect of density on labour productivity in European regions. Third, it allows us, in a geometrically rigorous way, to track the path of the world's economic center of gravity.

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The present paper advocates for the creation of a federated, hybrid database in the cloud, integrating law data from all available public sources in one single open access system - adding, in the process, relevant meta-data to the indexed documents, including the identification of social and semantic entities and the relationships between them, using linked open data techniques and standards such as RDF. Examples of potential benefits and applications of this approach are also provided, including, among others, experiences from of our previous research, in which data integration, graph databases and social and semantic networks analysis were used to identify power relations, litigation dynamics and cross-references patterns both intra and inter-institutionally, covering most of the World international economic courts.

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Cette thèse porte sur le recours à des mesures restrictives du commerce par le Canada comme moyen de lutte contre le travail dangereux des enfants, dans un contexte de mise en œuvre de la responsabilité internationale d’un État en cas de non respect de la Convention de l’Organisation internationale du travail nº 182 sur les pires formes de travail des enfants. Bien que la capacité d’imposer des telles mesures se rapportant à des situations de travail dangereux des enfants soit analysée, essentiellement, du point de vue du droit de l’Organisation internationale du commerce (OMC), cette étude reste circonscrite à l’application de la Convention OIT 182. De plus, cette thèse veut fournir une analyse prospective de nature spéculative portant sur l’opportunité de recourir à de telles mesures en discutant de leurs éventuelles conséquences sur les enfants qu’on vise à protéger par ce moyen. La première partie de la thèse s’intéresse à la légalité d’éventuelles sanctions commerciales imposées par le Canada afin d’amener un pays membre de l’OMC dont il importe des produits à respecter la Convention OIT 182. La légalité de ces sanctions est abordée tant du point de vue du régime général du GATT que de celui des exceptions générales. Du point de vue du régime général, l’analyse porte notamment sur l’article III de cet accord relatif au principe du traitement national. Une fois constatée leur illicéité à l’égard de l’article III du GATT, seul l’article XX de cet accord peut être invoqué pour permettre le recours à ces mesures. Nous nous attardons plus particulièrement aux exceptions de l’article XX relatives à la protection de la moralité publique et à celle de la protection de la vie et de la santé humaine. La thèse aborde les conditions auxquelles est assujetti le recours aux exceptions de l’article XX retenues comme pertinentes, notamment celles de la « nécessité » des mesures et du respect des compétences étatiques. En outre, cette étude analyse les conditions d’application des mesures restrictives du commerce découlant du préambule de l’article XX. En ce qui concerne l’exception relative à la moralité publique, cette notion est discutée dans un contexte national spécifique, soit celui du Canada. La seconde partie de la thèse s’intéresse à l’opportunité de recourir à des mesures commerciales restrictives et leurs conséquences éventuelles sur les enfants dont la protection est recherchée. La démarche, qui est éminemment prospective, prend la forme d’une étude de cas portant sur un secteur productif qui n’a jamais connu dans les faits des sanctions commerciales, soit la production floricole en Équateur. Il s’agit d’un secteur caractérisé par la présence d’enfants en situation de travail dangereux impliqués dans la production de biens destinés à l’exportation. Notre recherche est de type exploratoire. De ce fait, elle ne vise pas à formuler des conclusions fermes quant aux effets des sanctions, mais plutôt à déceler les effets potentiellement bénéfiques ou nuisibles que les mesures restrictives du commerce pourraient avoir sur les enfants exploités, ainsi qu’à évaluer la contribution des sanctions commerciales à la solution du problème.

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El trabajo desarrolla la forma en la que evolucionaron las relaciones bilaterales entre Rusia y Kazajstán desde el periodo inmediatamente posterior a la caída de la URSS donde no existía una relación cercana, hasta el año 2001 donde se empieza a hablar de una cooperación entre los dos actores que llevó a una estrecha relación bilateral.

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La península coreana ha sido desde la Guerra Fría y a la actualidad una zona convulsionada por intereses políticos, económicos e ideológicos. Ese panorama obliga un análisis sobre la configuración y los cambios que se han dado entre las potencias actuales, China y Estados Unidos, desde la existencia de un programa nuclear norcoreano que afecta a Corea del Sur y la definición de los intereses de Beijin y Washington.

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Análisis de las relaciones económicas entre Myanmar y China y su incidencia en las dinámicas de seguridad del bloque ASEAN, teniendo en cuenta que la Asociación será entendida como un "subcomplejo" de seguridad, según el enfoque teórico propuesto por Barry Buzan de los complejos regionales de seguridad.

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En el año 2010 el gobierno húngaro implementó el Impuesto Excepcional de Crisis, que grava a las empresas del sector de telecomunicaciones, energía y agroalimentario con el fin de hacer frente a los graves problemas fiscales que aquejaban a Hungría. Dicho impuesto se enmarca dentro de la política de autonomía fiscal de los Estados miembros de la UE, ya que cada gobierno tiene potestad para determinar la cuantía de los impuestos sobre las empresas con el fin de que se puedan cumplir los intereses económicos nacionales; aun así, dicha autonomía se basa en el respeto al tratado de Maastricht y al pacto de estabilidad y crecimiento, que establecen que las políticas fiscales de los Estados miembros deben estar en armonía con la libre circulación de mercancías, servicios y capitales, así como un trato equitativo a todas las empresas, ya sean nacionales o extranjeras. Este gravamen recae principalmente en empresas ligadas al sector de las exportaciones en Hungría, con nacionalidad de Austria y Alemania, los principales socios comerciales de Hungría, afectando de esta forma las relaciones comerciales de los actores en mención. Así, el trabajo analiza las implicaciones que tiene dicho impuesto para la consecución del interés económico de Hungría, a partir de su incidencia en las metas fiscales y el comercio que este Estado tiene con Austria y Alemania.

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Las relaciones bilaterales en materia política y económica entre Irán y Turquía, se han visto influenciadas por un sin número de acontecimientos que le han cambiado el rumbo a las mismas. Es por ello, que la siguiente monografía pretende determinar cómo las relaciones políticas y económicas entre Irán y Turquía, han incidido en el cambio de interés y percepción de Turquía frente a las relaciones con Irán, en el periodo comprendido entre el 2000 y el 2010.