945 resultados para Georgia--Maps--Civil War, 1861-1865.
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Resumen: En la segunda mitad del siglo XIV, Fernando Álvarez de Albornoz escribió un texto autobiográfi co en latín en la hoja de guarda de un códice del Decreto de Graciano. Parte de este texto es un relato de la guerra civil castellana (1366-1371), probablemente basado en la información que le llegó a Italia a través de cartas enviadas a él o a alguno de sus familiares. Así, puede ser estudiado como fuente primaria o como escrito historiográfi co. En este estudio el texto es transcrito, traducido y analizado. A partir de este análisis, se proponen una datación del texto, modelos para sus estructuras temática y narrativa, y algunas hipótesis sobre su naturaleza e intencionalidad.
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[Es]La labor cuidadora es conocida desde la antigüedad y así lo demuestran los estudios realizados. En el transcurso de la historia ha existido una evolución en el concepto de la salud-enfermedad. Y a su vez la enfermería ha sufrido trasformaciones importantes, situándose hoy en día en la posición en la que se la conoce. Diferentes acontecimientos favorecieron ésta evolución, como los conflictos bélicos. Por ello se realiza un estudio durante la Guerra Civil Española (1936-1939), para conocer la situación de la enfermería en la época, los cuidados que ofrecieron las/los enfermeras/os, la importancia de la colaboración social para la realización de estos cuidados y el consecuente beneficio de todo ello. Dedicando una sección al País vasco. Se realiza una revisión bibliográfica recurriendo principalmente a fuentes primarias para la obtención de documentación. Dando como resultado, un estudio histórico de carácter analítico-sintético. Se obtiene como resultado una visión global de la labor cuidadora de enfermeras/os, del voluntariado y de la ayuda internacional en el transcurso del conflicto. Destaca la importancia de la formación, la disciplina, los reglamentos y guías. Resulta imprescindible señalar el importante papel que desarrolló la Cruz Roja durante todo el conflicto. El conocimiento sobre el importante papel de la enfermería y los cuidados aplicados durante la guerra, contribuye a una reflexión personal de la importancia que éstas tuvieron, y demuestra la necesidad de una indagación más profunda y amplia.
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A partir del análisis de las relaciones entre sociología, fotografía y documentación se realiza un recorrido por algunas de las principales fotografías realizadas por Robert Capa durante la Guerra civil española.
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This article explores Soviet cinema and the Spanish Civil War, 1936-1939. The article focuses on three separate components of Moscow’s cinematic operations vis-à-vis the Spanish imbroglio: 1.) the distribution of Soviet-made feature films in the Loyalist zone, 2.) the production of Soviet propaganda newsreels on Spanish subjects intended for distribution within the Soviet Union, and 3.) the significance of the Spanish war for Soviet cinema throughout the balance of the Bolshevik period. The narrative and conclusions herein are supported by new research from archives in both Spain and the Russian Federation, as well as analyses of films rarely if ever discussed in the scholarly literature, either within film studies or twentieth century European history.
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It is very common to analyse the factors associated with the onset and continuation of civil wars entirely separately, as if there were likely to be no similarity between them. This is an overstatement of the theoretical position, which has established only that they may be different (i.e. less than perfectly correlated). The hypothesis that the explanatory variables are the same is not theoretically excludable and is empirically testable, both for individual variables and for combinations of them. Starting from this approach yields a rather different picture of the factors associated with the continuation of civil wars, because the relatively small sample size means that confidence intervals on individual coefficients are wide in this case. It is shown here that country size, mountainous terrain and (in most datasets) ethnic diversity seem significant for the continuation of civil wars, starting from the null hypothesis that variables affect onset and continuation probabilities identically, rather than entirely independently. One variable that affects onset and continuation significantly differently is anocracy, which we find to matter only for onset. Civil war is more likely if it occurred two years previously, as well as one year previously, which indicates that wars are more likely to restart after only one year of peace, and also more likely to stop in their first year. The combined model strengthens the result that ethnic diversity matters (it is consistently significant across datasets, whereas it is not when onset is analysed separately), although in the UCD/PRIO dataset it is significant only for onset. By contrast, if continuation is analysed independently, virtually nothing is significant except a pre-1991 dummy and a dummy for civil war two years previously.
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This article assesses the effect that leveraging civilian defense force militias has on the dynamics of violence in civil war. We argue that the delegation of security and combat roles to local civilians shifts the primary targets of insurgent violence toward civilians, in an attempt to deter future defections, and re-establish control over the local population. This argument is assessed through an analysis of the Sunni Awakening and ancillary Sons of Iraq paramilitary program. The results suggest that at least in the Al-Anbar province of Iraq, the utilization of the civilian population in counterinsurgent roles had significant implications for the targets of insurgent violence.
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In its totality, the “Long Second World War”—extending from the beginning of the Spanish Civil War to the end of hostilities in 1945—has exerted enormous influence over European culture. Bringing together leading historians, sociologists, and literary and film scholars, this broadly interdisciplinary volume investigates Europeans’ individual and collective memories and the ways in which they have shaped the continent’s cultural heritage. Focusing on the major combatant nations—Spain, Britain, France, Italy, Germany, Poland, and Russia—it offers thoroughly contextualized explorations of novels, memoirs, films, and a host of other cultural forms to illuminate European public memory.
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National security agencies and other interested parties now often regard conflict as the inevitable consequence of climate change. This inclination to reduce war to the vicissitudes of climate is not new however. Here I examine some of the earlier ways in which violence was attributed to climatic conditions, particularly in the United States, and trace links between these older advocates of climatic determinism and the recent writings of those insisting that climate change will usher in a grim world of chronic warfare. It ends by drawing attention to the writings of some critics who are troubled by the ease with which climatic reductionism is capturing the public imagination.
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This article examines how civilian defense militias shape violence during civil war. We define civilian defense forces as a sedentary and defensive form of pro-government militia that incumbents often use to harness the participation of civilians during a counterinsurgency campaign. We argue that civilian defense forces reduce the problem of insurgent identification. This leads to a reduction in state violence against civilians. However, we also claim that these actors undermine civilian support for insurgents, which leads to an increase in rebel violence against civilians and overall intensification of conflict. A statistical analysis of government and rebel violence against civilians from 1981 to 2005, and a qualitative assessment of a civilian defense force operating in Iraq from 2005 to 2009, offer strong support for our theoretical claims. These findings provide further insight into pro-government militias and their effects on violence. They also have wider ethical implications for the use of civilian collaborators during civil war.
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Governor Moses calls on South Carolinians to endeavor to become a respected member of the United States following the U.S. Civil War. His message addresses the status of the national debt, South Carolina public education, the South Carolina Orphan Asylum, the South Carolina Lunatic Asylum, the state penitentiary, the state’s quarantine of small pox, the revenue-generating phosphate deposits in the state, immigration to the state, the state’s flagship university, current state legislation, and the state militia.
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A presente dissertação centra-se na problemática da Política Externa Portuguesa no decorrer da Guerra Civil de Espanha – GCE (1936-1939). É nosso propósito responder à seguinte questão: De que forma o Estado Novo conseguiu condicionar a Opinião Pública de maneira a perseguir a sua linha orientadora de Política Externa aquando do conflito interno espanhol?. Um dos mais antigos dilemas da política externa portuguesa é a necessidade constante de compatibilizar a dualidade peninsular. No respeitante à política externa do século XX, António de Oliveira Salazar, em 1936, defendia a tese de que o Estado Novo não sobreviveria em convívio directo com um regime republicano espanhol, anticlerical e esquerdista. Tendo em conta que o Presidente do Concelho de Ministros de Portugal não hesitou em apoiar o alziamento do General Franco, recorrendo à tese de proteção do seu regime, e evitando, desta forma, que Portugal se mantivesse alheio à sorte dos destinos da GCE, é fundamental a análise da política externa portuguesa para compreender as posições, os vetores, as motivações e os principais agentes que formaram os pilares da diplomacia portuguesa perante o conflito que ficou historiograficamente conhecido como a antecâmara da II Guerra Mundial. Todavia, reconhecemos ser conveniente averiguar de que forma é que as decisões de política externa se reflectiram na Opinião Pública portuguesa sobre os acontecimentos da Guerra Civil de Espanha. Visto que era objectivo do Estado Novo controlar as mentes portuguesas, no nosso estudo, que se debruçara sobre os assuntos espanhóis, importa-nos verificar como a Opinião Pública era manobrada pelo poder político, que utiliza a Censura para controle da informação. A Censura portuguesa foi especialmente zelosa acerca dos assuntos da GCE a partir de 1936, com vista a evitar contágios revolucionários em Portugal que colocassem em perigo o Estado Novo. Em suma, a Guerra Civil de Espanha foi um conflito bélico que se confinou ao território espanhol, mas que atravessou fronteiras devido à sua internacionalização e rápida mediatização. Portugal pela sua posição geográfica acompanhou diariamente a cruzada no país vizinho, interferindo oficial e oficiosamente.
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This paper evaluates the extent to which war-related psychological distress causes poverty. The endogeneous nature of mental distress is addressed by using exposure to the civil war in Mozambique as an instrument. It is found that exposure to war has a significant and positive long-lasting impact on mental distress. Furthermore, the causal impact of war-related psychological distress on income and wealth is shown to be significant, negative, and nonnegligible. One standard deviation increase in mental distress decreases income by half a standard deviation. These findings are robust to alternative specifications, including the use of an alternative database on the incidence of PTSD in Mozambique.
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James Butler Hickok (1837-1876), also known as “Wild Bill” Hickok, was an American gun-fighter, scout and spy. He was involved in altercations with others while working for the famous express company Russell, Majors and Waddell (in 1861), and later while working as a wagon master, scout, and spy for the Union forces during the Civil War. These altercations resulted in the deaths of 4 people, but Hickok was acquitted in all cases. An embellished article written about him in Harper’s magazine helped contribute to his reputation as a western hero. He served as a deputy U.S. marshal and sheriff in Kansas in the late 1860’s, helping to bring law and order to a previously lawless area. He gambled considerably, and during a card game on August 2, 1876, was shot and killed. The cards he was holding (two aces, two eights, and a jack) became known as the "dead man's hand."
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UANL
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On assiste en Géorgie, entre 1989 et 1994, à deux conflits civils couplés d’une violence politique majeure. L’Ossétie du Sud et l’Abkhazie, soit deux des trois régions dotées d’un statut autonome à l’intérieur de la Géorgie pendant la période soviétique, sont le théâtre de ces conflits. Les affrontements violents sont par ailleurs évités dans le cas de l’Adjarie, cette troisième région dotée d’un statut autonome. Les raisons de cette relative paix adjar ne sont pas évidentes à saisir à prime abord, surtout lorsqu’on observe la situation chaotique dans laquelle se trouve la Géorgie au moment de la chute de l’URSS. Il apparaît ainsi adéquat de se pencher plus spécifiquement sur l’Adjarie, en tant que région de la Géorgie, qui a certes entretenu de fortes tensions avec l’État géorgien nouvellement indépendant, mais sans pour autant que ces tensions politiques ne basculent en un conflit ouvert. Étant donné la similarité qui caractérise les territoires de l’Abkhazie et de l’Adjarie, les arguments géopolitiques ou encore les arguments concernant les structures institutionnelles n’apportent qu’une explication partielle. C’est plutôt un argument identitaire mettant de l’avant la relation entre les groupes qui apparaît déterminant pour expliquer l’absence de conflit en Adjarie.