961 resultados para Fort Sheridan (Ill.)


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Fort George, situated on the west side of the Niagara River in Niagara-on-the-Lake, served as the headquarters for the Centre Division of the British Army during the War of 1812. On May 25, 1813, the Americans launched an artillery attack on the Fort, destroying most of the buildings. Two days later, the Americans invaded the Town of Niagara and occupied Fort George. They remained in the Fort for almost seven months, but suffered defeats at the Battle of Stoney Creek and Beaver Dams. Only a small number of militia remained stationed at the Fort. Fearing an attack by the British, the Americans retreated back across the Niagara River in December, 1813. The Fort remained in British possession for the rest of the War.

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A letter written by Mahlon Taylor to his uncle, Samuel Clarke, dated at Marcellus [New York], July 26, 1813. Mahlon Taylor writes that he believes the mail he has sent out is not making it past Princeton, as he has not had a reply to any of his sent correspondence. He also writes that he has heard there are 3500 men at Fort George, 1000 are unfit for duty, and that there is skirmishing daily. He comments that the general opinion is that the troops will withdraw from Canada entirely. The letter is signed Mahlon C Taylor and is addressed to Mr. Samuel Clarke, no. 227 South Front Street, Philadelphia.

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The Introduction of the text reads: "After nearly forty-four years of silence, I consider it wise to present to the public the inner history of the Fenian Raid of 1866, where an incompetent military officer was entrusted with the lives of a small body of men, and, who by failure in the performance of a sacred duty, may prove a wholesome and useful lesson to commanders of troops in the field."

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Microbial ichnofossils in volcanic rocks provide a significant record of subsurface microbes and potentially extraterrestrial biosignatures. Here, the textures, mineralogy, and geochemistry of two continental basaltic hydrovolcanic deposits - Reed Rocks and Black Hills - in the Fort Rock Volcanic Field (FRVF) are investigated. Methods include petrographic microscopy, micro and powder X-ray diffraction, SEM/BSE/EDF imaging, energy dispersive spectroscopy, stable isotopes, and X-ray fluorescence. Petrographic analysis revealed granular and tubular textures with biogenic morphologies that include terminal enlargements, septate divisions, branching forms, spiral filaments, and ovoid bodies resembling endolithic microborings described in ocean basalts. They display evidence of behaviour and a geologic context expressing their relative age and syngenicity. Differences in abiotic alteration and the abundance/morphotype assemblage of putative microborings between the sites indicate that water/rock ratio, fluid composition and flux, temperature and secondary phase formation are influences on microboring formation. This study is the first report of reputed endolithic microborings in basalts erupted in a continental lacustrine setting.

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Letter to the Honourable William Dickson at Fort George from Peter Hogeboom stating that he has recently bought a home and is in need of money, Dec. 2, 1817.

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- The first part of the document traces Mr. Haile’s lineage. His father, James Haile was a farmer. His grandfather, Amos Haile was a sailor for the early part of his life. He was placed on a British man-of- war in about 1758. He escaped and settled in Putney. (p.1) - His father’s mother’s maiden name was Parker. His mother’s maiden name was Campbell. Her father was a captain in the Revolutionary Army. (p.2) - His earliest memories revolve around the death of his aunt and the funeral of General Washington (although he did not witness this). At the time, his father was a Lieutenant in a regiment militia of Light Dragoons who wore red coats. (p.3) - In 1804, an addition was added to the Haile house which necessitated that William was to stay home to help with the building. He continued to study and read on his own. He was particularly interested in Napoleon Bonaparte’s victories. In that same year he was sent to Fairfield Academy where Reverend Caleb Alexander was the principal. (p.4) - On June 1, 1812, William was appointed as an Ensign in the Infantry of the Army of the United States. He was put into the recruiting service at Nassau (20 miles east of Albany) where he remained until September. (p.4) - He was assigned to the 11th Regiment of the W.S. Infantry and directed to proceed to Plattsburgh to report to Colonel Isaac Clark. (p.7) - He was assigned to the company commanded by Captain Samuel H. Halley who was not in the best of health and often absent. For a good part of the time William was in charge of the company. (p.8) - The 11th Regiment was encamped beside the 15th Regiment commanded by Col. Zebulon Montgomery Pike [Pike’s Peak was named after him]. Col. Pike generously drilled and disciplined the 11th Regiment since their officers didn’t seem capable of doing so. (p.8) - The first brigade to which William’s regiment was attached to was commanded by Brigadier General Bloomfield of New Jersey. Brigadier Chandler of Maine commanded the second brigade. (p.9) - At the beginning of November, Major General Dearborn took command of the army. He had been a good officer in his time, but William refers to him as “old and inefficient” earning him the nickname “Granny Dearborn” (p.9) - On November 17th, 1812, General Dearborn moved north with his army. The troops ended up in Champlain. There was no fighting, only a skirmish between a party of men under Colonel Pike and a few British troops who he succeeded in capturing. (p.10) - The troops were moved to barracks for the winter. Colonel Pike’s troops were put into suitable barracks and kept healthy but another part of the army (including the 11th Regiment) were sent to a barracks of green lumber north of Burlington. Disease soon broke out in the damp barracks and the hundreds of deaths soon followed. One morning, William counted 22 bodies who had died the previous night. He puts a lot of this down to an inexperienced commanding officer, General Chandler. (p.11) - At the beginning of 1813, William was stationed as a recruiter on the shore of Shoreham across from Fort Ticonderoga. In February, he returned to Burlington with his recruits. In March he received an order from General Chandler to proceed to Whitehall and take charge of the stores and provisions. In April and May it was decided that his half of the regiment (the First Battalion) should march to Sackett’s Harbour, Lake Ontario. They arrived at Sackett’s Harbour about the 10th of June, a few days after the Battle of Sackett’s Harbour. (p.12) - He was camped near the site of Fort Oswego and got word to head back to Sackett’s Harbour. A storm overtook the schooner that he was on. (p.14) - William was involved in the Battle of Williamsburg (or Chrysler’s Farm) which he calls a “stupid and bungling affair on the part of our generals”.(p. 18) - General Covington was wounded and died a few days after the battle. (p.19) - William speaks of being ill. The troops were ordered to march to Buffalo, but he is able to go to his father’s house in Fairfield where his mother nursed him back to health (p.23) - Upon arrival at Buffalo, the “old fogy Generals” were replaced with younger, more efficient men. (p.25) - On page 27 he sums up a few facts: In 1812, the army was assembled on Lake Champlain with the intention of capturing Montreal, and then Quebec. That year, under General Dearborn the army marched as far as Champlain, then turned back and went into winter quarters. In 1813, the army was assembled at Sackett’s Harbour and that year the campaign ended at French Mills which was 70 or 80 miles from Montreal. In 1814, the army at Buffalo were some 400 miles from Montreal with still the same object in view. - He says that these facts make “a riddle – difficult to explain”. (p.27) - On the evening of July 2nd they embarked on the boats with the objective of capturing Fort Erie. The enemy were all made prisoners of war (p.27) - On July 4th they went to Street’s Creek, 2 miles above the Chippewa [Chippawa] River (p.28) - Page 29 is titled The Battle of Chippewa [Chippawa] - He speaks of 2 drummers who were fighting over the possession of a drum when a cannonball came along and took of both of their heads (p.29) - He proclaims that this was one of the “most brilliant battles of the war”. The battle was fought and won in less than an hour after they left their tents. He credits General Scott with this success and states that was due to his rapid orders and movements. (p.30) - The dead of the battle remained on the field during the night. He describes this as quite gloomy seeing friend and foe lying side by side. At daybreak they set to work digging trenches to bury the dead. (p.31) - Colonel Campbell was wounded and advised to have his leg amputated. He refused, and subsequently died. (p.32) - It is said that the British threw several of their dead into the river and they went over the Falls. (p.32) - His troops repaired the bridge over Chippawa which the enemy had partially destroyed and then pursued the British as far as Queenston Heights. (p.32) - On pages 33 and 34 he speaks about meeting an old friend of his, Philip Harter. - The account ends at Queenston Heights

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UANL

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Ce travail présente une technique de simulation de feux de forêt qui utilise la méthode Level-Set. On utilise une équation aux dérivées partielles pour déformer une surface sur laquelle est imbriqué notre front de flamme. Les bases mathématiques de la méthode Level-set sont présentées. On explique ensuite une méthode de réinitialisation permettant de traiter de manière robuste des données réelles et de diminuer le temps de calcul. On étudie ensuite l’effet de la présence d’obstacles dans le domaine de propagation du feu. Finalement, la question de la recherche du point d’ignition d’un incendie est abordée.

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Ce mémoire de maîtrise s’intéresse à la portée et aux limites de la participation publique à la gestion des ressources naturelles. Plus spécifiquement, une étude du cas de la Commission Coulombe est réalisée afin de déterminer, d’une part, dans quelle mesure la participation délibérative a favorisé l’émergence de nouveaux discours et quels ont été ses effets politiques, d’autre part. L’argumentation se fonde sur une approche discursive-institutionnelle et, plus précisément, sur la notion d’arrangement politique développé par Bas Arts et Pieter Leroy. L’étude de la Commission Coulombe révèle que la participation délibérative a permis de renforcer la légitimité des institutions étatiques, elle a encouragé l’émergence de préoccupations et de notions nouvelles, elle a eu des effets sur l’élaboration des règles, des politiques et des programmes et a permis une certaine redéfinition des rapports de pouvoirs entre les acteurs du régime forestier québécois. Ses effets sont cependant ambivalents en termes de démocratisation de la gestion publique. Les pouvoirs publics ont utilisé la Commission pour rétablir leur crédibilité, justifier des décisions impopulaires et faire avancer les grandes orientations du gouvernement. De plus, les acteurs qui ont acquis le plus de pouvoir et les enjeux qui ont émergés de façon la plus marquée sont ceux qui étaient favorisés par le contexte politique de modernisation de l’État québécois.

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La méthode de projection et l'approche variationnelle de Sasaki sont deux techniques permettant d'obtenir un champ vectoriel à divergence nulle à partir d'un champ initial quelconque. Pour une vitesse d'un vent en haute altitude, un champ de vitesse sur une grille décalée est généré au-dessus d'une topographie donnée par une fonction analytique. L'approche cartésienne nommée Embedded Boundary Method est utilisée pour résoudre une équation de Poisson découlant de la projection sur un domaine irrégulier avec des conditions aux limites mixtes. La solution obtenue permet de corriger le champ initial afin d'obtenir un champ respectant la loi de conservation de la masse et prenant également en compte les effets dûs à la géométrie du terrain. Le champ de vitesse ainsi généré permettra de propager un feu de forêt sur la topographie à l'aide de la méthode iso-niveaux. L'algorithme est décrit pour le cas en deux et trois dimensions et des tests de convergence sont effectués.

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Les pédiatres intensivistes ont plusieurs éléments disponibles pour guider leurs décisions par rapport à la ventilation mécanique. Par contre, aucune étude prospective ne décrit les éléments auxquels les intensivistes se réfèrent pour modifier les paramètres du respirateur. Objectifs : Décrire la pratique actuelle de la modification des paramètres du respirateur aux soins intensifs du CHU Sainte-Justine, un hôpital pédiatrique tertiaire. Hypothèse : 80% des modifications des paramètres du respirateur influant sur l’épuration du CO2 sont liées à l’analyse de la PCO2 ou du pH et 80% des modifications des paramètres d’oxygénation sont liés à l’analyse de l’oxymétrie de pouls. Méthodes : En se servant d’un logiciel de recueil de données, les soignants ont enregistré un critère de décision primaire et tous les critères de décision secondaires menant à chaque modification de paramètre du respirateur au moment même de la modification. Résultats : Parmi les 194 modifications des paramètres du respirateur influant sur l’épuration du CO2, faites chez vingts patients, 42.3% ±7.0% avaient pour critère primaire la PCO2 ou le pH sanguin. Parmi les 41 modifications de la pression expiratoire positive et les 813 modifications de la fraction d’oxygène inspirée, 34.1% ±14.5% et 84.5% ±2.5% avaient pour critère primaire l’oxymétrie de pouls, respectivement. Conclusion : Les médecins surestiment le rôle de la PCO2 et du pH sanguins et sousestiment le rôle d’autres critères de décision dans la gestion de la ventilation mécanique. L’amélioration de notre compréhension de la pratique courante devrait aider à l’éboration des systèmes d’aide à la décision clinique en assistance respiratoire.

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Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

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Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

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Ce projet porte sur la reconstitution paléo-écologique d'un environnement forestier fossile retrouvé sur un plateau au sud-ouest de l'île Bylot. Il a comme objectifs 1) de préciser la chrono-stratigraphie du site; 2) d’établir une liste et une succession des différents taxons polliniques retrouvés dans les différentes unités stratigraphiques du site; 3) d’estimer leur âge et 4) d’en inférer des conditions climatiques (température et précipitations). Plusieurs coupes stratigraphiques ont été excavées puis échantillonnées afin de réaliser des analyses stratigraphiques, paléomagnétiques et polliniques. Un GPS différentiel fut également utilisé afin de caractériser à petite et grande échelle les unités stratigraphiques associées aux unités organiques fossiles. Les résultats des analyses granulométriques indiquent la séquence de dépôt suivante au sein d’une dépression dans la roche en place (schiste tertiaire) : 1) un diamicton glaciaire local ; 2) un sédiment limoneux d’origine glacio-lacustre ; 3) une unité organique tourbeuse; 4) une unité de type alluvial ; 5) un sédiment fluvio-glaciaire et 6) un diamicton glaciaire d’origine allochtone. Les analyses polliniques suggèrent une végétation similaire à celle présente près de la limite des arbres actuelle, environ 2000 km plus au sud. Les conditions climatiques plus humides et plus chaudes permettaient notamment la croissance du pin (Pinus type strobus et banksiana), de l’épinette (Picea cf. mariana), de l’aulne (type crispa et incana) et du mélèze (Larix, indifférencié). Enfin, les études paléomagnétiques et la présence d’espèces éteintes suggèrent un âge pour les dépôts organiques fossiles situé entre 2,14 et 2,15 Ma ou entre 2,581 et 3,040 Ma.