Lengua y derecho a la educación en la Comunidad Autónoma del País Vasco : reflexiones jurídicas sobre el tránsito hacia un nuevo modelo

The article analyzes the legal regime of Euskara in the education system of the Autonomous Community of the Basque Country (capv). In the capv, the legislation recognizes the right to choose the language of study during the educational cycle. The students are separated into different classrooms based on their language preference. This system of separation (of language models) has made it possible to make great strides, although its implementation also suggests aspects which, from the perspective of a pluralistic Basque society on its way towards greater social, political and language integration, call for further reflection The general model for language planning in the capv was fashioned in the eighties as a model characterized by the guarantee of spaces of language freedom, and the educational system was charged with making the learning of the region’s autochthonous language more widespread. At this point, we already have a fair degree of evidence on which to base an analysis of the system of language models and we are in a position to conclude that perhaps the educational system was given too heavy a burden. Official studies on language performance of Basque schoolchildren show (in a way that is now fully verified) that not all the students who finish their mandatory period of schooling achieve the level of knowledge of Euskara required by the regulations. When faced with this reality, it becomes necessary for us to articulate some alternative to the current configuration of the system of language models, one that will make it possible in the future to have a Basque society that is linguistically more integrated, thereby avoiding having the knowledge or lack of knowledge of one of the official languages become a language barrier between two communities. Many sides have urged a reconsideration of the system of language models. The Basque Parliament itself has requested the Department of Education to design a new system. This article analyzes the legal foundations on which the current system is built and explores the potential avenues for legal cooperation that would make it possible to move towards a new system aimed at guaranteeing higher rates of bilingualism. The system would be sufficiently flexible so as to be able to respond to and accommodate the different sociolinguistic realities of the region.

Information legislation and management survey 2014

The 10th annual Jisc, GuildHE and Universities UK information legislation and management survey shows a rise in the number of Freedom of Information (FOI) requests for the tenth consecutive year. In contrast Environmental Information Regulations (EIR) requests appear to have levelled off to a fairly consistent rate, while Data Protection Act (DPA) requests have declined back to levels last seen in 2008. The average monthly number of FOI requests received by UK universities has risen by 19% since 2013 and by almost seven times over the last decade since our survey began. The average across the 46 participating institutions was 219 FOI requests with the highest of 454 reported by one participant.

Information legislation and management survey 2014

The 10th annual Jisc, GuildHE and Universities UK information legislation and management survey shows a rise in the number of Freedom of Information (FOI) requests for the tenth consecutive year. In contrast Environmental Information Regulations (EIR) requests appear to have levelled off to a fairly consistent rate, while Data Protection Act (DPA) requests have declined back to levels last seen in 2008. The average monthly number of FOI requests received by UK universities has risen by 19% since 2013 and by almost seven times over the last decade since our survey began. The average across the 47 participating institutions was 218 FOI requests with the highest of 454 reported by one participant.

Fisheries legislation of Lake Victoria: present legislation and new developments

This paper provides an overview of fisheries legislation in Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania as far it concerns the administration of Lake Victoria's fishery. It also provides brief comment on the structure of these nations' fisheries departments and how they have evolved in recent years. The administration of Kenya's Lake Victoria fishery has changed very little since the introduction of the 1988 Fisheries Act. In Tanzania and Uganda, however, government policies of decentralization have had a profound impact on fisheries administration at a local level. This paper examines these changes and speculates about possible future management scenarios for these two countries

The development of the South Carolina Coastal Information Network and portal site: Bringing training opportunities and educational resources to coastal community officials and the public

The South Carolina Coastal Information Network (SCCIN) emerged as a result of a number of coastal outreach institutions working in partnership to enhance coordination of the coastal community outreach efforts in South Carolina. This organized effort, led by the S.C. Sea Grant Consortium and its Extension Program, includes partners from federal and state agencies, regional government agencies, and private organizations seeking to coordinate and/or jointly deliver outreach programs that target coastal community constituents. The Network was officially formed in 2006 with the original intention of fostering intra-and inter- agency communication, coordination, and cooperation. Network partners include the S.C. Sea Grant Consortium, S.C. Department of Health and Environmental Control – Office of Ocean and Coastal Resource Management and Bureau of Water, S.C. Department of Natural Resources – ACE Basin National Estuarine Research Reserve, North Inlet-Winyah Bay National Estuarine Research Reserve, Clemson University Cooperative Extension Service and Carolina Clear, Berkeley-Charleston-Dorchester Council of Governments, Waccamaw Regional Council of Governments, Urban Land Institute of South Carolina, S.C. Department of Archives and History, the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration – Coastal Services Center and Hollings Marine Laboratory, Michaux Conservancy, Ashley-Cooper Stormwater Education Consortium, the Coastal Waccamaw Stormwater Education Consortium, the S.C. Chapter of the U.S. Green Building Council, and the Lowcountry Council of Governments. (PDF contains 3 pages)

Impact assessment of Niger State fisheries legislation on fisheries conservation in Edozhigi local government area (L.G.A.) of Niger State

A preliminary survey was conducted among the fishermen in five selected villages in Edozhigi L.G.A. of Niger State. One hundred and fifty fishermen were randomly selected and interviewed to find out the impact of Niger State fisheries legislation on fisheries conservation resources in the area. The analysis of data collected using descriptive statistics indicated that undersized mesh of gill nets, beach seines and traps are being used unabated. Also, fenced barriers across the entrance of flood plain ponds and Ex-bow lakes from the main stream are in the area. The fisheries rules and regulations implementers are rarely seen or not seen at all in the area. The decreasing nature of fish catches was detected. It is observed that government policy on fish conversation is neglected due to inadequate or lack of funding for meaningful extension and implementation of the fisheries rules and regulations

Awakening a sleeping giant: The riddle of Latino political participation

For some time now, the Latino voice has been gradually gaining strength in American politics, particularly in such states as California, Florida, Illinois, New York, and Texas, where large numbers of Latino immigrants have settled and large numbers of electoral votes are at stake. Yet the issues public officials in these states espouse and the laws they enact often do not coincide with the interests and preferences of Latinos. The fact that Latinos in California and elsewhere have not been able to influence the political agenda in a way that is commensurate with their numbers may reflect their failure to participate fully in the political process by first registering to vote and then consistently turning out on election day to cast their ballots.

To understand Latino voting behavior, I first examine Latino political participation in California during the ten general elections of the 1980s and 1990s, seeking to understand what percentage of the eligible Latino population registers to vote, with what political party they register, how many registered Latinos to go the polls on election day, and what factors might increase their participation in politics. To ensure that my findings are not unique to California, I also consider Latino voter registration and turnout in Texas for the five general elections of the 1990s and compare these results with my California findings.

I offer a new approach to studying Latino political participation in which I rely on county-level aggregate data, rather than on individual survey data, and employ the ecological inference method of generalized bounds. I calculate and compare Latino and white voting-age populations, registration rates, turnout rates, and party affiliation rates for California's fifty-eight counties. Then, in a secondary grouped logit analysis, I consider the factors that influence these Latino and white registration, turnout, and party affiliation rates.

I find that California Latinos register and turn out at substantially lower rates than do whites and that these rates are more volatile than those of whites. I find that Latino registration is motivated predominantly by age and education, with older and more educated Latinos being more likely to register. Motor voter legislation, which was passed to ease and simplify the registration process, has not encouraged Latino registration . I find that turnout among California's Latino voters is influenced primarily by issues, income, educational attainment, and the size of the Spanish-speaking communities in which they reside. Although language skills may be an obstacle to political participation for an individual, the number of Spanish-speaking households in a community does not encourage or discourage registration but may encourage turnout, suggesting that cultural and linguistic assimilation may not be the entire answer.

With regard to party identification, I find that Democrats can expect a steady Latino political identification rate between 50 and 60 percent, while Republicans attract 20 to 30 percent of Latino registrants. I find that education and income are the dominant factors in determining Latino political party identification, which appears to be no more volatile than that of the larger electorate.

Next, when I consider registration and turnout in Texas, I find that Latino registration rates are nearly equal to those of whites but that Texas Latino turnout rates are volatile and substantially lower than those of whites.

Low turnout rates among Latinos and the volatility of these rates may explain why Latinos in California and Texas have had little influence on the political agenda even though their numbers are large and increasing. Simply put, the voices of Latinos are little heard in the halls of government because they do not turn out consistently to cast their votes on election day.

While these findings suggest that there may not be any short-term or quick fixes to Latino participation, they also suggest that Latinos should be encouraged to participate more fully in the political process and that additional education may be one means of achieving this goal. Candidates should speak more directly to the issues that concern Latinos. Political parties should view Latinos as crossover voters rather than as potential converts. In other words, if Latinos were "a sleeping giant," they may now be a still-drowsy leviathan waiting to be wooed by either party's persuasive political messages and relevant issues.