867 resultados para rental social housing in colombia
Resumo:
The text argues that, even if different sectors of society have some strategic points of agreement on the issue of land, which converge on the specific issue of restitution, they strongly disagree on various other points. On one side are some who advocate “pure restitution” and consequently support a restitution policy that focuses on correcting the illegal dispossession and clarifying land titles and individual rights to property, which would serve to boost the land market and allow for rural development policies that modernize agricultural production, fundamentally based on large, corporate ownership. On the other end of the spectrum are advocates of what we call “comprehensive restitution,” who promote adopting a restitution policy that meets the requirements not only of corrective justice but also of recognition and redistribution, advancing the interest of peasant, indigenous, and afro-Colombian communities.
Resumo:
This article offers a theoretical interpretation of the dispositions on land restitution contained in the famous “Victims’ Bill”, which was debated in the Colombian Congress during the year 2008. The bill included specific mechanisms aimed at guaranteeing the restitution of land to victims of the Colombian armed conflict. At the time, the bill was endorsed by all the main political actors in the country –notably the government and the elites that support it, on the one hand, and victims’ and human rights organizations and other opposition groups, on the other–. The fact that the restitution of land to victims of the Colombian armed conflict was being considered as a serious possibility by all political actors in the country seemed to indicate the existence of a consensus among actors whose positions are ordinarily opposed, on an issue that has traditionally led to high levels of polarization. This consensus is quite puzzling, because it seems to be at odds with the interests and/or the conceptions of justice advocated by these political actors, and because the restitution of land faces enormous difficulties both from a factual and a normative point of view, which indicates that it may not necessarily be the best alternative for dealing with the issue of land distribution in Colombia. This article offers an interpretation of said consensus, arguing that it is only an apparent consensus in which the actors are actually misrepresenting their interests and conceptions of justice, while at the same time adopting divergent strategies of implementation aimed at fulfilling their true interests. Nevertheless, the article concludes that the common adherence by all actors to the principle of restorative justice might bring about its actual realization, and thus produce an outcome that, in spite (and perhaps even because) of being unintended, might substantively contribute to solving the problem of unequal land distribution in Colombia. Even though the article focuses in some detail on the specificities of the 2008 Bill, it attempts to make a general argument about the state of the discussion on how to deal with the issue of land distribution in the country. Consequently, it may still be relevant today, especially considering that a new Bill on land restitution is currently being discussed in Congress, which includes the same restitution goals as the Victims’ Bill and many of its procedural and substantive details, and which therefore seems to reflect a similar consensus to the one analyzed in the article.
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How do we justify the practice of corrective justice for losses suffered during armed conflicts? This article seeks to show the force and relevance of this question, and to argue that, in cases of massively destructive wars, social justice should gain priority over corrective justice. Starting from a liberal Rawlsian conception of the relationship between corrective and social justice, it is argued that, paradoxically, the more destructive a war is, the less normative force corrective rights have and the higher priority policies of social justice, which guarantee basic rights to all citizens, should have.
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This study verses on the meeting of psychology with the social policy area. The objective is to discuss how psychologists that work in the Basic Health Units and in the Social Assistance Reference Centers experience their daily practices. Using the interview and participant observation methods, we investigated the modes of action of 13 psychologists involved in these service units. The results indicate that because these contexts are adverse to the traditional forms of action, many professionals experience daily strangeness and discomfort, resulting from their encounters with limiting situations of difficult management. Furthermore, we observed practices and experiences that were marked by feelings of compassion, pity, and resentment. We consider, finally, that the encounter between psychology and social policies requires flexibility in traditional acting modes as well as the pursuit of strategies that consider cultural contexts characteristics, avoiding capture, fatigue and saturation process that stifle the worker.
Resumo:
Introduction: Schizophrenia is a serious and chronic mental illness that has effect on cognitive and social functioning of a person who suffers it. Recent research points out that social cognition subprocesses, such as Theory of Mind, social perception or emotional processing, have to do with some problems that patients show in their social adjustment. Aim: Assessing ability of recognizing mental states from facial expressions in schizophrenia patients compared to a control group. Subjects and methods: 17 stable schizophrenia patients who are aware of the illness and 17 healthy people, with the same age and sociocultural level, took the “Reading the Mind in the Eyes” Test Revised Version of Baron- Cohen. Results: Compared with the control group, subjects with schizophrenia showed much lower scores. Conclusions: It is confirmed that schizophrenia patients have impairments to understand facial expressions, especially from the eyes. That is typical of this illness, so it is necessary to do interventions at that point. Furthermore, inability to recognize emotions, as a domain of social cognition, contributes to deficit in functional outcome in schizophrenia. Finally, some treatment programs are put forward.
Resumo:
This paper presents the supply of postdegree programs in the cardiopulmonary area in Colombia in orden to show its state and sufficiency. Plans of formation, objectives, curricular approach, methodology and profile of performance are analyzed in terms of costs, duration, supply, location and research capabilities. Our results show problems in regard to supply as well as unanimous criteria and strategic alliances. There are no Gremial associations that favor both discussion and analysis about epidemiologist aspects of respiratory and cardiovascular diseases in Colombia there is necessity of professionals in this area with experience. Knowledge and appropiated skills in management, administration, laws, agreements and public policies that cover the affected population. Also, it is exposed that the Universities whit this programs require support and pursuit for professionals positioning both in national and international context.Methodology A descriptive study was carried out with a data collection made in a period between April-December of 2006. Cards were done and they allowed to review different aspects such as costs, occupational profile, duration, modality, methodology, practical component and evaluation in the offering universities of programs of postdegree in the cardiopulmonary area for physiotherapists. Later an analysis was made on curriculum, profiles, objectives, contents, professional competitions the areas of research.
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It is aimed at reviewing the effect reflected in the quality and quantity of tobacco exportation with the appearance of Magdalena Fevers in the Ambalema zone (Colombia), between 1856 and 1870. The research explores the effect of labor over health and the effect of health over labor in this stage of the Colombian export development. By formulating an econometric model it is possible to establish whether the epidemic outbreaks of fevers were a relevant factor in explaining the behavior of tobacco exports from Ambalema to the outside. The analysis of the empirical data shows that it is possible that a fall on the exports in about 72,000 tobacco sacks per year caused by the fevers in the studied region, as well as a negative effect of the disease on the tobacco prices.
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The Relation University, Company and State UEE defined through the eight committees created in Colombia to position the investigation like central axis of the triad one, impliesthe revision of the paper that in ahead must assume the companies and the universities for the success of the nexus. The scene raises the debt that both estates show as opposed to the definition of the subjects that in particular force them to work jointly within the triad one. The systemic methodology, drawn up under the epilogue of the order of the organizations, stipulates that these can work in unison or in key when they are understood like structure, and recognize what they do to each other. However, slope has left all a leaf of conciliations, understandings and repairs that they will have to be reviewed to the light of spirit UEE.
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The Integrated Mass Transit Systems are an initiative of the Colombian Government to replicate the experience of Bogota’s Bus Rapid Transit System —Transmilenio— in large urban areas of the country, most of them over municipal perimeters to provide transportation services to areas undergoing a metropolization process. Management of these large scale metropolitan infrastructure projects involves complex setups that present new challenges in the interaction between stakeholders and interests between municipalities, tiers of government and public and private sectors. This article presents a compilation of the management process of these projects from the national context, based on a document review of the regulatory framework, complemented by interviews with key stakeholders at the national level. Research suggests that the implementation of large-scale metropolitan projects requires a management framework orientated to overcome the traditional tensions between centralism and municipal autonomy.
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The objective of the present article is to illustrate the social interstice (Las Jarretaderas) existing between the municipalities Bahía de Banderas, Nayarit and Puerto Vallarta, Jalisco. The researched community is an outstanding case-study providing an in-depth analysis of a number of social process mostly related to the chiapaneca migration. The text is divided into two sections. The first one deals with the urbanization process of the metropolitan area of Puerto Vallarta. The second and longer section defines the concept of social interstice and explains how the researched locality falls under under that previously-defined concept according to the processes analyzed.
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This article characterizes the conditions of the informal land and housing supply during the first decade of the xxi century in Bogota, regarding magnitude and location of the informal urban growth (new occupations in the periphery and informal densification of consolidated areas), housing conditions in recent occupations and the characteristics of the land market. The situation of the last decade has been reconstructed based in aerial photography analysis, census data quantification and data analysis from planning and control public entities. Results suggest that due to the relative land scarcity in Bogotá, among other aspects, the informal market dynamics have experimented changes compared to previous decades, because the growth in consolidated urban areas becomes more important than the informal urbanization of the peripheries, but at the same time informality transcends the municipal perimeter to the neighboring municipalities.
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Globalization and liberalization of the economies have produced among others drastic effects on the human mobility, generating confusion, enhancing discrimination and a lack of respect to the rights of several migrant collectives. In this article we analyse several challenges for the study of these phenomena, based on the case of the neglected health rights of Colombian women, who have been forced to displace by the country's internal conflict, and are thus pushed to cross the border to Ecuador. The article identifies several knowledge gaps that could allow and advance a better understanding of these critical subjects. The paper - a think piece -is based upon a general review of documents and studies on the relation between migration and health. The supporting theory on the research comes from international organisations such as the WHO and IOM, NGOs, grass-roots organisations and academic research. This paper shows the need for focusing on the reality of supra states which globalization has generated, and t e urgency of securing the access to essential health preconditions to migrant populations. These issues can no longer be neglected and should be included on agendas at international level, widening the approach of programs to the displaced/immigrant population by taking into account the need to ensure the essential health preconditions (equity), prevention, and protection. Further, it is clear that women and children require a better protection with enhanced prevention and responding measures to sexual abuse, stigmatisation, violence and the respect of their rights.
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This paper describes the relationship between the executive and legislative branches during the first government of Alvaro Uribe Vélez. We will focus on reviewing the legislative output of each branch of power, along with the effectiveness and efficiency they showed as promoters of this production. We will review the impact they had on the legislative agenda setting and on the control of the legislative process itself, making a diachronic analysis in which each legislature is used as a unit. Thus, we will try to identify the presence (or not) of some kind of pattern interactions, and we will evaluate, at one hand, the existence of hierarchical and transactional trends, and, on the other, the different types of balances produced between them.
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The phenomenon of paramilitarism in Colombia has received an ambiguous treatment, balancing between political and criminal issues; an oscillation that has been intimately linked to the evolution of the Colombian internal conflict. This contribution analyzes the recent negotiations held with paramilitary groups by the administration of Alvaro Uribe Vélez (2002-2010). After a brief account of the dependency path that has determined this historical episode, I propose an assessment of the use of judicial categories by the various actors of the negotiations. The main argument is that those categories –war criminal, political criminal, drug smuggler, etc.– do not depend on the intrinsic nature of an armed actor, but are socially constructed by a conflictive process of material and symbolic struggles. The capacity to categorize private violence, as legitimate or illegitimate, political or criminal, appears as one of the basic manifestations of the state’s action, as well as one of the main conflicts presiding at the rocess of state formation.
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Colombia suffers from one of the longest civil conflicts in the world, which is believed to have had several consequences on the country’s economic and development performance. This study uses measures of central government deterrence effort as instruments of conflict to estimate the impact of conflict on children’s time allocation to two different types of work: housework and work performed outside the household for poor families living in small municipalities in Colombia. I find that conflict significantly increases the amount of time children allocate to work. Both housework, for girls, and work outside the household, for boys, increase with Guerrilla attacks. However, the later effect is the opposite for Paramilitary attacks.