La Gobernanza en las Políticas de la Cooperación Internacional para el Desarrollo: Análisis y Modelo de Aplicación al Perú

En la primera parte de este trabajo se define la gobernanza como un concepto político que responde adecuadamente a las necesidades sociales de la naturaleza humana. En consecuencia, la adecuada conceptualización de este término puede servir para resolver los problemas sociales y también para orientar hacia el éxito los esfuerzos de la cooperación al desarrollo. Este concepto político resulta particularmente apropiado para la situación actual de la sociedad peruana, donde la existencia de conflictos sociales manifiesta la necesidad de una planificación liderada desde el ámbito público que enfrente la diversidad cultural y social que caracteriza a esta sociedad. Después de un análisis de las políticas de la cooperación internacional en Perú y de las últimas intervenciones para el desarrollo de la gobernanza, es posible concluir que en el país no existe una política para la cooperación internacional; que no hay un enfoque territorial en las intervenciones y que la práctica planificadora no considera una unión entre conocimiento y acción, limitándose a un enfoque tradicional de la planificación en la cooperación para el desarrollo. Esta investigación aporta un modelo para orientar las intervenciones de la cooperación internacional para el desarrollo de la gobernanza que se caracteriza por un liderazgo del ámbito público, una innovación en la gestión de dicho ámbito y un modelo de planificación mixto, una unión del modelo de Análisis de Políticas y el modelo de Aprendizaje Social. Por último, el modelo propuesto puede tener una amplia aplicación en los programas de desarrollo en Perú. On the first part of this research I found that governance is a political concept which responds adequately to social needs of human being. Thus, an adequate conceptualization of governance could help to solve social problems and lead efforts of Development Cooperation to success. This political concept is particularly appropriate to current Peruvian society where exist social conflicts which show a clear necessity of planning which should be leaded by the public sector. This is necessary to face cultural and social diversity which characterize this society. After an analysis of the International Cooperation management in Peru and a review of the last projects for developing governance, I found there is not a Politic for International Cooperation; projects does not have a territorial focusing; and planning does not characterize as union between knowledge and action. In this sense, there is a traditional planning in Development Cooperation. This research contributes with a model to lead International Cooperation projects for developing governance. This model is characterized by a leadership of public sector; an innovation in the public sector management; and a mix planning model between Politics Analysis and Social Learning. Finally, as the model was validated by two International Cooperation projects focused in sectorial objective, this model could have a wide application in Development programs in Peru.

Desarrollo de capacidades para el liderazgo en proyectos de desarrollo rural. Aplicación a comunidades Aymaras

Los proyectos de desarrollo en el medio rural han cambiado en las últimas décadas, desde un enfoque tecnocrático y descendente, que resultó insuficiente, a otro que otorga un papel principal a las personas locales. En este contexto, los nuevos modelos de planificación y gestión de los proyectos de desarrollo a menudo incluyen entre sus objetivos el desarrollo de las capacidades locales y el liderazgo, dedicándose a ellos anualmente billones de dólares. Ambos conceptos son considerados elementos indispensables para aumentar la sostenibilidad de las acciones desde un enfoque endógeno, lo que genera un gran interés tanto desde el ámbito científico como en los debates y objetivos de los organismos internacionales. Sin embargo no existe un consenso sobre el marco conceptual del desarrollo de capacidades ni sobre las metodologías adecuadas para evaluarlo. Por otra parte, en el caso del desarrollo de liderazgo, la mayoría de los estudios e investigaciones se han centrado en entornos empresariales, siendo escasos los trabajos centrados en el ámbito rural. En dicho contexto, la complejidad se incrementa debido a que a menudo la autoridad y poder de los líderes no están dados por puestos formales, sino por relaciones sociales y vínculos de confianza. Esta investigación presenta una primera fase conceptual, que aborda el marco teórico, analizando y clarificando los conceptos de desarrollo de capacidades, competencias y liderazgo en el contexto de los proyectos de desarrollo rural. Así mismo, en esta fase se clasifican los principales instrumentos para evaluar el desarrollo de capacidades, para así definir las variables que conforman el constructo de capacidades. Además se determina la multidimensionalidad del concepto de capacidades y por ello la conveniencia de abordarlo a nivel individual y colectivo. También se analizan los distintos estilos de liderazgo para llegar a una definición propia de desarrollo de capacidades y de liderazgo adaptadas al medio rural. El marco teórico anterior permite sentar, en una segunda fase de la investigación, las bases científicas del modelo que se propone: el modelo DCL de Desarrollo de Capacidades para el Liderazgo en los proyectos de desarrollo rural. Este modelo incorpora elementos del marco conceptual Working With People (Cazorla et al., 2013), fruto de 25 años de experiencia en el ámbito de la planificación de proyectos de desarrollo rural desde el grupo de investigación GESPLAN de la Universidad Politécnica de Madrid. El modelo DCL integra metodologías cuantitativas y cualitativas y una doble escala de análisis para promover y evaluar el desarrollo de capacidades en la población local desde tres componentes: técnico-empresarial, relacional y contextual. Además el modelo DCL incorpora un proceso metodológico para poder integrar el seguimiento y la evaluación de las capacidades a lo largo del ciclo del proyecto. Finalmente, en una fase de aplicación, se acomete la validación del modelo DCL a través del caso de estudio de un proyecto de desarrollo con una organización de mujeres artesanas de comunidades aymaras de Puno (Perú). Este proyecto, que incorpora el marco conceptual WWP, integra 5 años de experiencia con comunidades aymaras desde el grupo de investigación GESPLAN. La aplicación muestra cómo el modelo DCL permite evaluar el desarrollo de capacidades para el liderazgo. Así mismo, la incorporación de los aprendizajes tras las evaluaciones de desarrollo de capacidades permite reorientar las acciones del proyecto para mejorar su planificación y gestión y producir un verdadero empoderamiento y liderazgo de la organización local. Lo anterior se traduce en un aumento de la sostenibilidad del proyecto y de la resiliencia social de la organización. ABSTRACT Development projects in rural areas have changed in recent decades, from a technocratic and top-down approach, which proved insufficient, to another that gives a major role to local people. In this context, the new models of planning and management of development projects often include among their objectives the development of local capacities and leadership and engage billions of dollars annually. Both concepts are considered essential for enhancing the sustainability of the actions from an endogenous approach, generating great interest both from the scientific field and in the debates and objectives of international organizations. However there is no consensus on the conceptual framework of capacity development and on appropriate methodologies to evaluate it. Moreover, in the case of leadership development, most of the studies and research have focused on business environments, with few studies focusing on rural areas. In this context, the complexity is increased because often the authority and power of the leaders are not given for formal positions, but by social relationships and bonds of trust. This research presents an initial conceptual phase, which addresses the theoretical framework, analyzing and clarifying the concepts of capacity development, competencies and leadership in the context of rural development projects. Also, at this stage the main instruments to assess capacity development are classified so as to define the variables that shape the capacity construct. Besides the multidimensionality of the concept of capacity is determined and therefore the convenience of addressing it at an individual and colective level. Different leadership styles are also analyzed to propose a definition of capacity development and leadership adapted to the rural environment. The above theoretical framework allows to set, in a second research phase, the scientific basis of the proposed model: the model DCL of Capacity Development for Leadership in rural development projects. This model incorporates elements of the conceptual framework Working With People (Cazorla et al., 2013), the result of 25 years of experience in the field of project planning for rural development from the research group GESPLAN of the Technical University of Madrid. The DCL model integrates quantitative and qualitative methodologies and a double scale of analysis to promote and evaluate capacity development in the local population from three components: technical-entrepreneurial, relational and contextual. Besides the DCL model incorporates a methodological process to integrate monitoring and evaluation of capacities throughout the project cycle. Finally, in an application phase, DCL model validation is undertaken through the case study of a development project with an organization of women artisans of Aymara communities in Puno (Peru). This project, that incorporates the WWP conceptual framework, integrates 5 years of experience with Aymara communities from GESPLAN research group. The application shows how the DCL model allows to assess the development of capacities for leadership. Also, the incorporation of lessons learned after monitoring and evaluation of capacity development allows to redirect actions to improve project planning and management and produce a true empowerment and leadership of the local organization. This translates into increased project sustainability and social resilience of the organization.

La Ordenación del Territorio en las Ciudades Globales Europeas: El caso de Madrid

En la Comunidad de Madrid el modelo de ocupación del territorio en las dos últimas décadas ha obedecido a factores de oferta del mercado y no a las necesidades de la población, ello provoca un consumo de suelo y de recursos que conducen a una sobrexplotación insostenible. Las metrópolis globales están experimentando rápidas e intensas transformaciones, basadas en los paradigmas emergentes de la globalización, la gobernanza, la metropolizacion y la dispersión de las actividades en el territorio y a través de ellos se abordan los planes de Londres, París y las tentativas de Madrid. La globalización provoca la pérdida de soberanía de las administraciones publicas y la competitividad entre las ciudades globales en Europa, Londres, Paris y Madrid, son centros de poder, de concentración y crecimiento donde se produce la dualización del espacio y donde la desigualdad participa de la restructuración urbana, concentración de pobreza frente a espacios de la nueva clase emergente en donde dominan los sectores de servicios y las tecnologías de la información. Frente al desarrollo urbano neoliberal de regulación a través del mercado y basada en criterios de eficiencia de la Nueva Gestión Pública, se vislumbra la posibilidad de que la sociedad se administre a si misma por medio de acciones voluntarias y responsables que promuevan los intereses colectivos mediante el reconocimiento de su propia identidad, introduciendo el concepto de gobernanza. Frente, a la explotación del territorio por parte de la sociedad extractiva que genera corrupcion, se propone un modelo de cooperación público-privada basado en la confianza mutua, un marco regulador estable, la transparencia y la información a cuyo flujo más homogéneo contribuirán sin duda las TICs. En todo este proceso, las regiones metropolitanas en Europa se erigen como motores del crecimiento, donde los límites administrativos son superados, en un territorio cada vez más extendido y donde los gobiernos locales tienen que organizarse mediante un proceso de cooperación en la provisión de servicios que ayuden a evitar los desequilibrios territoriales. El fenómeno de la dispersión urbana en desarrollos de baja densidad, los centros comerciales periféricos, la expulsión hacia la periferia de las actividades de menor valor añadido y la concentración de funciones directivas en el centro, conducen a una fragmentación del territorio en islas dependientes del automóvil y a procesos de exclusión social por la huida de las rentas altas y la expulsión de las rentas bajas de los centros urbanos. Se crean fragmentos monofuncionales y discontinuos, apoyados en las autovías, lugares carentes de identidad y generadores de despilfarro de recursos y una falta de sostenibilidad ambiental, económica y social. El estudio de la cultura de la planificación en Europa ayuda a comprender los diferentes enfoques en la ordenación del territorio y el proceso de convergencia entre las diferentes regiones. Los documentos de la UE se basan en la necesidad de la competitividad para el crecimiento europeo y la cohesión social y en relación al territorio en los desarrollos policéntricos, la resolución del dualismo campo-ciudad, el acceso equilibrado a las infraestructuras, la gestión prudente de la naturaleza, el patrimonio y el fomento de la identidad. Se proponen dos niveles de estudio uno actual, los últimos planes de Londres y Paris y el otro la evolución de las tentativas de planes en la Región madrileña siempre en relación a los paradigmas emergentes señalados y su reflejo en los documentos. El Plan de Londres es estratégico, con una visión a largo plazo, donde se confiere un gran interés al proceso, al papel del alcalde como líder y su adaptación a las circunstancias cambiantes, sujeto a las incertidumbres de una ciudad global. El desarrollo del mismo se concibe a través de la colaboración y cooperación entre las administraciones y actores. La estructura del documento es flexible, establece orientaciones y guías indicativas, para la redacción de los planes locales, no siendo las mismas vinculantes y con escasa representación grafica. El Plan de París es más un plan físico, similar al de otros centros europeos, trabaja sobre los sectores y sobre los territorios, con información extensa, con características de “Plan Latino” por la fuerza de la expresión gráfica, pero al mismo tiempo contiene una visión estratégica. Es vinculante en sus determinaciones y normativas, se plantea fomentar, pero también prohibir. Ambos planes tratan la competitividad internacional de sus centros urbanos, la igualdad social, la inclusión de todos los grupos sociales y la vivienda como una cuestión de dignidad humana. Londres plantea la gobernanza como cooperación entre sector público-privado y la necesaria cooperación con las regiones limítrofes, en París las relaciones están más institucionalizadas resaltando la colaboración vertical entre administraciones. Ambos plantean la densificación de nodos servidos por transporte público, modos blandos y el uso los TODs y la preservación de la infraestructura verde jerarquizada, la potenciación de la red azul y la mejora del paisaje de las periferias. En las “tentativas” de planes territoriales de Madrid se constata que estuvieron sujetas a los ciclos económicos. El primer Documento las DOT del año 1984, no planteaba crecimiento, ni económico ni demográfico, a medio plazo y por ello no proponía una modificación del modelo radio concéntrico. Se trataba de un Plan rígido volcado en la recuperación del medio rural, de la ciudad, el dimensionamiento de los crecimientos en función de las dotaciones e infraestructuras existentes. Aboga por la intervención de la administración pública y la promoción del pequeño comercio. Destaca el desequilibrio social en función de la renta, la marginación de determinados grupos sociales, el desequilibrio residencia/empleo y la excesiva densidad. Incide en la necesidad de viviendas para los más desfavorecidos mediante el alquiler, la promoción suelo público y la promoción del ferrocarril para dar accesibilidad al espacio central. Aboga por el equipamiento de proximidad y de pequeño tamaño, el tratamiento paisajístico de los límites urbanos de los núcleos y el control de las actividades ilegales señalando orientaciones para el planeamiento urbano. Las Estrategias (1989) contienen una visión: la modificación del modelo territorial, mediante la intervención pública a través de proyectos. Plantea la reestructuración económica del territorio, la reconversión del aparato productivo, la deslocalización de actividades de escaso valor añadido y una mayor ubicuidad de la actividad económica. Incide en la difusión de la centralidad hacia el territorio del sur, equilibrándolo con el norte, tratando de recomponer empleo y residencia, integrando al desarrollo económico las periferias entre sí y con el centro. Las actuaciones de transporte consolidarían las actuaciones, modificando el modelo radio concéntrico facilitando la movilidad mediante la red de cercanías y la intermodalidad. El plan se basaba en el liderazgo del Consejero, no integrando sectores como el medio ambiente, ni estableciendo un documento de seguimiento de las actuaciones que evaluara los efectos de las políticas y su aportación al equilibrio territorial, a través de los proyectos realizados. El Documento Preparatorio de las Bases (1995), es más de un compendio o plan de planes, recoge análisis y propuestas de los documentos anteriores y de planes sectoriales de otros departamentos. Presenta una doble estructura: un plan físico integrador clásico, que abarca los sectores y territorios, y recoge las Estrategias previas añadiendo puntos fuertes, como el malestar urbano y la rehabilitación el centro. Plantea la consecución del equilibrio ambiental mediante el crecimiento de las ciudades existentes, la vertebración territorial basada en la movilidad y en la potenciación de nuevas centralidades, la mejora de la habitabilidad y rehabilitación integral del Centro Urbano de Madrid, y la modernización del tejido productivo existente. No existe una idea-fuerza que aglutine todo el documento, parte del reconocimiento de un modelo existente concentrado y congestivo, un centro urbano dual y dos periferias al este y sur con un declive urbano y obsolescencia productiva y al oeste y norte con una dispersión que amenaza al equilibrio medioambiental. Señala como aspectos relevantes, la creciente polarización y segregación social, la deslocalización industrial, la aparición de las actividades de servicios a las empresas instaladas en las áreas metropolitanas, y la dispersión de las actividades económicas en el territorio por la banalización del uso del automóvil. Se plantea el reto de hacer ciudad de la extensión suburbana y su conexión con el sistema metropolitano, mediante una red de ciudades integrada y complementaria, en búsqueda de un mayor equilibrio y solidaridad territorial. Las Bases del PRET (1997) tenían como propósito iniciar el proceso de concertación en que debe basarse la elaboración del Plan. Parte de la ciudad mediterránea compacta, y diversa, y de la necesidad de que las actividades económicas, los servicios y la residencia estén en proximidad, resolviéndolo mediante una potente red de transporte público que permitiese una accesibilidad integrada al territorio. El flujo de residencia hacia la periferia, con un modelo ajeno de vivienda unifamiliar y la concentración del empleo en el centro producen desequilibrio territorial. Madrid manifiesta siempre apostó por la densificación del espacio central urbanizado, produciendo su congestión, frente al desarrollo de nuevos suelos que permitieran su expansión territorial. Precisa que es necesario preservar los valores de centralidad de Madrid, como generador de riqueza, canalizando toda aquella demanda de centralidad, hacia espacios más periféricos. El problema de la vivienda no lo ve solo como social, sino como económico, debido a la pérdida de empleos que supone su paralización. Observa ya los crecimientos residenciales en el borde de la region por el menor valor del suelo. Plantea como la política de oferta ha dado lugar a un modelo de crecimiento fragmentado, desequilibrado, desestructurado, con fuertes déficits dotacionales y de equipamiento, que inciden en la segregación espacial de las rentas, agravando el proceso de falta de identidad morfológica y de desarraigo de los valores urbanos. El plan señalaba que la presión sobre el territorio creaba su densificación por las limitaciones de espacio, Incidía en limitar el peso de la intervención pública, no planteando propuestas de cooperación público-privado. La mayor incoherencia estriba en que los objetivos eran innovadores y coinciden en su mayoría con las propuestas estudiadas de Londres o Paris, pero se intentan implementar a través de un cambio hacia un modelo reticulado homogéneo, expansivo sobre el territorio, que supone un consumo de suelo y de infraestructuras para solucionar un problema inexistente, la gestión de la densidad. Durante las dos últimas décadas en ausencia de un plan regional, la postura neoliberal fue la de un exclusivo control de legalidad del planeamiento, los municipios entraron en un proceso de competencia para aprovechar las iniciales ventajas económicas de los crecimientos detectados, que proporcionaban una base económica “sólida” a unos municipios con escasos recursos en sus presupuestos municipales. La legislación se modifica a requerimiento de grupos interesados, no existiendo un marco estable. Se pierde la figura del plan no solo a nivel regional, si no en los sectores y el planeamiento municipal donde los municipios tiende a basarse en modificaciones puntuales con la subsiguiente pérdida del modelo urbanístico. La protección ambiental se estructura mediante un extenso nivel de figuras, con diversidad de competencias que impide su efectiva protección y control. Este proceso produce un despilfarro en la ocupación del suelo, apoyada en las infraestructuras viarias, y un crecimiento disperso y de baja densidad, cada vez más periférico, produciéndose una segmentación social por dualización del espacio en función de niveles de renta. Al amparo del boom inmobiliario, se produce una falta de política social de vivienda pública, más basada en la dinamización del mercado con producción de viviendas para rentas medias que en políticas de alquiler para determinados grupos concentrándose estas en los barrios desfavorecidos y en la periferia sur. Se produce un incremento de la vivienda unifamiliar, muchas veces amparada en políticas públicas, la misma se localiza en el oeste principalmente, en espacios de valor como el entorno del Guadarrama o con viviendas más baratas por la popularización de la tipología en la frontera de la Región. El territorio se especializa a modo de islas monofuncionales, las actividades financieras y de servicios avanzados a las empresas se localizan en el norte y oeste próximo, se pierde actividad industrial que se dispersa más al sur, muchas veces fuera de la región. Se incrementan los grandes centros comerciales colgados de las autovías y sin población en su entorno. Todo este proceso ha provocado una pérdida de utilización del transporte público y un aumento significativo del uso del vehículo privado. En la dos últimas décadas se ha producido en la región de Madrid desequilibrio territorial y segmentación social, falta de implicación de la sociedad en el territorio, dispersión del crecimiento y un incremento de los costes ambientales, sociales y económicos, situación, que solo, a través del uso racional del territorio se puede reconducir, apoyado en una planificación integrada sensible y participativa. ABSTRACT In Madrid the model of land occupation in the past two decades has been driven by market supply factors rather than the needs of the population. This results in a consumption of land and resources that leads to unsustainable overexploitation. Addressing this issue must be done through sensitive and participatory integrated planning. Global cities are experiencing rapid and intense change based on the emerging paradigms of globalization, governance, metropolization and the dispersion of activities in the territory. Through this context, a closer look will be taken at the London and Paris plans as well as the tentative plans of Madrid. Globalization causes the loss of state sovereignty and the competitiveness among global cities in Europe; London, Paris and Madrid. These are centres of power, concentration and growth where the duality of space is produced, and where inequality plays a part in urban restructuration. There are concentrated areas of poverty versus areas with a new emerging class where the services sector and information technologies are dominant. The introduction of ICTs contributes to a more homogeneous flow of information leading, us to the concept of governance. Against neoliberal urban development based on free market regulations and efficiency criteria as established by the “New Public Management”, emerge new ways where society administers itself through voluntary and responsible actions to promote collective interests by recognizing their own identity. A new model of public-private partnerships surfaces that is based on mutual trust, transparency, information and a stable regulatory framework in light of territorial exploitation by the “extractive society” that generates corruption. Throughout this process, European metropolitan regions become motors of growth where administrative boundaries are overcome in an ever expanding territory where government is organized through cooperative processes to provide services that protect against regional imbalances. Urban sprawl or low-density development as seen in peripheral shopping centres, the off-shoring of low added-value activities to the periphery, and the concentration of business and top management functions in the centre, leads to a fragmentation of the territory in automobile dependent islands and a process of social exclusion brought on by the disappearance of high incomes. Another effect is the elimination of low income populations from urban centres. In consequence, discontinuous expansions and mono-functional places that lack identity materialize supported by a highway network and high resource consumption. Studying the culture of urban planning in Europe provides better insight into different approaches to spatial planning and the process of convergence between different regions. EU documents are based on the need of competitiveness for European growth and social cohesion. In relation to polycentric development territory they are based on a necessity to solve the dualism between field and city, balanced access to infrastructures, prudent management of nature and solidifying heritage and identity Two levels of study unfold, the first being the current plans of London and Île-de-France and the second being the evolution of tentative plans for the Madrid region as related to emerging paradigms and how this is reflected in documents. The London Plan is strategic with a long-term vision that focuses on operation, the role of the mayor as a pivotal leader, and the adaptability to changing circumstances brought on by the uncertainties of a global city. Its development is conceived through collaboration and cooperation between governments and stakeholders. The document structure is flexible, providing guidance and indicative guidelines on how to draft local plans so they are not binding, and it contains scarce graphic representation. The Plan of Paris takes on a more physical form and is similar to plans of other European centres. It emphasizes sectors and territories, using extensive information, and is more characteristic of a “Latin Plan” as seen in its detailed graphic expression. However, it also contains a strategic vision. Binding in its determinations and policy, it proposes advancement but also prohibition. Both plans address the international competitiveness of urban centres, social equality, inclusion of all social groups and housing as issues of human dignity. London raises governance and cooperation between public and private sector and the need for cooperation with neighbouring regions. In Paris, the relations are more institutionalized highlighting vertical collaboration between administrations. Both propose nodes of densification served by public transportation, soft modes and the use of TOD, the preservation of a hierarchical green infrastructure, and enhancing the landscape in urban peripheries. The tentative territorial plans for the Madrid region provide evidence that they were subject to economic cycles. The first document of master guidelines (1984) does not address either economic or demographic growth in the mid term and therefore does not propose the modification of the radio-concentric model. It is a rigid plan focused on rural and urban recovery and the dimensioning of growth that depends on endowments and infrastructures. It advocates government intervention and promotes small business. The plan emphasizes social imbalance in terms of income, marginalization of certain social groups, the imbalance of residence/employment and excessive density. It stresses the need for social rent housing for the underprivileged, promotes public land, and the supports rail accessibility to the central area. It backs facilities of proximity and small size, enhancing the landscaping of city borders, controlling illegal activities and draws out guidelines for urban planning. The strategies (1989) contain a vision: Changing the territorial model through public intervention by means of projects. They bring to light economic restructuring of territory, the reconversion of the productive apparatus, relocation of low value-added activities, and greater ubiquity of economic activity. They also propose the diffusion of centrality towards southern territories, balancing it with the north in an attempt to reset employment and residence that integrates peripheral economic development both in the periphery and the centre. Transport would consolidate the project, changing the radius-concentric model and facilitating mobility through a commuter and inter-modality network. The plan derives itself from the leadership of the minister and does not integrate sectors such as environment. It also does not incorporate the existence of a written document that monitors performance to evaluate the effects of policies and their contribution to the territorial balance. The Preparatory Document of the Bases, (1995) is more a compendium, or plan of plans, that compiles analysis and proposals from previous documents and sectorial plans from other departments. It has a dual structure: An integrating physical plan covering the sectors and territories that includes the previous strategies while adding some strengths. One such point is the urban discomfort and the rehabilitation of the centre. It also poses the achievement of environmental balance through the growth of existing cities, the territorial linking based on mobility, strengthening new centres, improving the liveability and comprehensive rehabilitation of downtown Madrid, and the modernization of the existing production network. There is no one powerful idea that binds this document. This is due to the recognition of an existing concentrate and congestive model, a dual urban centre, two eastern and southern suburbs suffering from urban decay, and an obsolescent productive north and west whose dispersion threatens the environmental balance. Relevant aspects the document highlights are increasing polarization and social segregation, industrial relocation, the emergence of service activities to centralized companies in metropolitan areas and the dispersion of economic activities in the territory by the trivialization of car use. It proposes making the city from the suburban sprawl and its connection to the metropolitan system through a network of integrated and complementary cities in search of a better balance and territorial solidarity. The Bases of PRET (1997) aims to start the consultation process that must underpin the development of the plan. It stems from a compact and diverse Mediterranean city along with the need for economic activities, services and residences that are close. To resolve the issue, it presents a powerful network of public transport that allows integrated accessibility to the territory. The flow of residence to the periphery based on a foreign model of detached housing and an employment concentration in the centre produces territorial imbalance. Madrid always opted for the densification of the central space, producing its congestion, against the development of new land that would allow its territorial expansion. The document states that the necessity to preserve the values of the housing problem is not only viewed as social, but also economic due to the loss of jobs resulting from their paralysis. It notes the residential growth in the regional border due to the low price of land and argues that the policy of supply has led to a fragmented model of growth that is unbalanced, unstructured, with strong infrastructure and facility deficits that affect the spatial segregation of income and aggravate the lack of morphological identity, uprooting urban values. The pressure on the territory caused its densification due to space limitation; the proposed grid model causes land consumption and infrastructure to solve a non-problem, density. Focusing on limiting the weight of public intervention, it does not raise proposals for public-private cooperation. The biggest discrepancy is that the targets were innovative and mostly align with the proposals in London and Paris. However, it proposes to be implemented through a shift towards a uniform gridded model that is expansive over territory. During the last two decades, due to the absence of a regional plan, a neoliberal stance held exclusive control of the legality of urban planning. The municipalities entered a competition process to take advantage of initial economic benefits of such growth. This provided a “solid” economic base for some municipalities with limited resources in their municipal budgets. The law was amended without a legal stable framework at the request of stakeholders. The character of the plan is lost not only regionally, but also in the sectors and municipal planning. This tends to be based on specific changes with the loss of an urban model. Environmental protection is organized through an extensive number of protection figures with diverse competencies that prevent its effective protection. This process squanders the use of the land, backed by increasing road infrastructure, dispersed occupations with low-density growth causing a social segmentation due to space duality based on income levels. During the housing boom, there is a reduction in social public housing policy mostly due to a boost in the market of housing production for average incomes than in rental policies for needy social groups that focus on disadvantaged neighbourhoods and southern suburbs. As a result, there is an increase in single-family housing, often protected by public policy. This is located primarily in the west in areas of high environmental value such as Guadarrama. There is also cheaper housing due to the popularization of typology in the border region. There, territory works as a mono-functional islands. Financial activities and advanced services for companies are located to the north and west where industrial activity is lost as it migrates south, often outside the region. The number of large shopping centres hanging off the highway infrastructure with little to no surrounding population increases. This process leads to the loss of dependency on public transport and a significant increase in the use of private vehicles. The absence of regional planning has produced more imbalance, more social segmentation, more dispersed growth and a lot of environmental, social and economic costs that can only be redirected through rational territorial.

Carisma e poder no discurso religioso: um estudo do legado de Masaharu Taniguchi A Seicho-No-Ie no Brasil

A inserção das novas religiões japonesas no Brasil, entre elas a Seicho-No-Ie, está diretamente ligada à imigração japonesa, iniciada em 1908. Esses imigrantes trouxeram com eles cosmovisões e práticas religiosas, que faziam parte de um antigo e rico legado cultural. No Japão, o surgimento dessas novas religiões se deu, principalmente, em decorrência da Restauração Meiji (1868-1912), um período de modernização daquele país. Nessa época apareceram a Oomoto, Tenrikyô, Soka Gakkai, Igreja Messiânica Mundial e a Seicho-No-Ie. Masaharu Taniguchi (1893-1985) fundou a Seicho-No-Ie em 1930, um movimento filosófico-religioso, cujo nome significa lar do progredir infinito . A sua base doutrinária está fundamentada nas tradições budistas e xintoístas mescladas, posteriormente, com preceitos do cristianismo. O fato fundante dessa nova religião são as revelações que Taniguchi afirma ter recebido de uma divindade xintoísta. Foi, no entanto, a divulgação de seus ensinamentos, por meio de uma revista, que deu início à sua expansão no Japão e depois em várias partes do mundo. Taniguchi foi um líder profético e carismático, que instaurou um sistema de dominação simbólica peculiar, mas passível de ser analisada à luz das teorias de Max Weber e Pierre Bourdieu. O processo de institucionalização tomou a família Taniguchi como o modelo ideal, articulando-se a partir dela um sistema de dominação misto de patriarcal, carismático e burocrático. Assim se formou um legado, inicialmente inspirado na tradição imperial japonesa, em que o papel feminino está subordinado à ordem androcêntrica. Esse fator privilegiou a sucessão do Mestre Taniguchi por seu genro, Seicho Arachi, que adotou o sobrenome do sogro e, anos mais tarde, se reproduziu na ascensão do primogênito do casal Seicho e Emiko, Masanobu Taniguchi. No Brasil, os imigrantes japoneses, já no início dos anos 30, descobriram a Seicho-No-Ie, graças ao recebimento do mensário editado no Japão por Taniguchi. Foi, entretanto, o trabalho missionário dos irmãos Daijiro e Miyoshi Matsuda, imigrantes japoneses no Brasil, que a Seicho-No-Ie aqui se estabeleceu e se desenvolveu, obtendo o seu reconhecimento oficial como filial da sede japonesa, em 30/05/51. Inicialmente a Seicho-No-Ie se restringiu às fronteiras étnicas e culturais da colônia japonesa, porém, a partir de 1960, passou a atrair brasileiros, enquanto buscava aculturar as suas atividades doutrinárias. Busca-se neste estudo descrever a organização assumida no Brasil pela Seicho-No-Ie, a sua estrutura doutrinária e administrativa, apresentando-as como uma reprodução da Sede Internacional situada no Japão. Procuramos valorizar o discurso religioso da Seicho-No-Ie contido nos livros e revistas publicados, e atualmente, em programas de televisão. Acreditamos serem esses meios, ao lado dos ensinamentos transmitidos por um seleto corpo de preletores, as principais formas de reprodução desse legado que Masaharu Taniguchi deixou aos seus seguidores, japoneses, brasileiros e de outras nacionalidades.

Carisma e poder no discurso religioso: um estudo do legado de Masaharu Taniguchi A Seicho-No-Ie no Brasil

A inserção das novas religiões japonesas no Brasil, entre elas a Seicho-No-Ie, está diretamente ligada à imigração japonesa, iniciada em 1908. Esses imigrantes trouxeram com eles cosmovisões e práticas religiosas, que faziam parte de um antigo e rico legado cultural. No Japão, o surgimento dessas novas religiões se deu, principalmente, em decorrência da Restauração Meiji (1868-1912), um período de modernização daquele país. Nessa época apareceram a Oomoto, Tenrikyô, Soka Gakkai, Igreja Messiânica Mundial e a Seicho-No-Ie. Masaharu Taniguchi (1893-1985) fundou a Seicho-No-Ie em 1930, um movimento filosófico-religioso, cujo nome significa lar do progredir infinito . A sua base doutrinária está fundamentada nas tradições budistas e xintoístas mescladas, posteriormente, com preceitos do cristianismo. O fato fundante dessa nova religião são as revelações que Taniguchi afirma ter recebido de uma divindade xintoísta. Foi, no entanto, a divulgação de seus ensinamentos, por meio de uma revista, que deu início à sua expansão no Japão e depois em várias partes do mundo. Taniguchi foi um líder profético e carismático, que instaurou um sistema de dominação simbólica peculiar, mas passível de ser analisada à luz das teorias de Max Weber e Pierre Bourdieu. O processo de institucionalização tomou a família Taniguchi como o modelo ideal, articulando-se a partir dela um sistema de dominação misto de patriarcal, carismático e burocrático. Assim se formou um legado, inicialmente inspirado na tradição imperial japonesa, em que o papel feminino está subordinado à ordem androcêntrica. Esse fator privilegiou a sucessão do Mestre Taniguchi por seu genro, Seicho Arachi, que adotou o sobrenome do sogro e, anos mais tarde, se reproduziu na ascensão do primogênito do casal Seicho e Emiko, Masanobu Taniguchi. No Brasil, os imigrantes japoneses, já no início dos anos 30, descobriram a Seicho-No-Ie, graças ao recebimento do mensário editado no Japão por Taniguchi. Foi, entretanto, o trabalho missionário dos irmãos Daijiro e Miyoshi Matsuda, imigrantes japoneses no Brasil, que a Seicho-No-Ie aqui se estabeleceu e se desenvolveu, obtendo o seu reconhecimento oficial como filial da sede japonesa, em 30/05/51. Inicialmente a Seicho-No-Ie se restringiu às fronteiras étnicas e culturais da colônia japonesa, porém, a partir de 1960, passou a atrair brasileiros, enquanto buscava aculturar as suas atividades doutrinárias. Busca-se neste estudo descrever a organização assumida no Brasil pela Seicho-No-Ie, a sua estrutura doutrinária e administrativa, apresentando-as como uma reprodução da Sede Internacional situada no Japão. Procuramos valorizar o discurso religioso da Seicho-No-Ie contido nos livros e revistas publicados, e atualmente, em programas de televisão. Acreditamos serem esses meios, ao lado dos ensinamentos transmitidos por um seleto corpo de preletores, as principais formas de reprodução desse legado que Masaharu Taniguchi deixou aos seus seguidores, japoneses, brasileiros e de outras nacionalidades.

El Congreso de Tucumán, el movimiento de pueblo de La Rioja y la intervención militar de Alejandro Heredia : ¿Escenas del enfrenamiento entre centralistas y federales en el Interior de las Provincias Unidas?

El presente artículo analiza la conflictividad política en La Rioja a partir del "movimiento de pueblo", encabezado por Javier Villafañe en abril de 1816, y que buscaba reemplazar al Gobernador Ramón Brizuela y Doria. Estos sucesos, que tuvieron lugar en simultáneo al inicio de las sesiones del Congreso de Tucumán, estuvieron vinculados a la expansión de las ideas federales y autonomistas en el interior de las Provincias Unidas y a las disputas que se produjeron en torno a la organización política del nuevo estado y en torno quien debía asumir la conducción del proceso revolucionario. Nos aproximamos a esta cuestión a partir del análisis de la documentación que generó la comisión del teniente coronel Alejandro Heredia, designado para restablecer el orden en La Rioja, pero también, a partir del análisis de las intervenciones de las autoridades centrales y del gobernador de Córdoba. Para eso, hemos trabajado con material existente en el Archivo General de la Nación, en el Archivo Histórico de la Provincia de Córdoba y diversa documentación editada referida al Congreso de Tucumán

La organización de los juegos olímpicos como elemento de configuración de regímenes urbanos: Barcelona 1992 como estudio de caso

The games were an opportunity for Spain to show to the world as a modern, wealthy and democratic country of Western Europe, that successfully accomplished 15 years of political transition and dealt with identity issues. But the games also were a window of opportunity for the complete “reinvention” of Barcelona at all levels (political, economical, social and urbanistic) and laid the foundations for the development of the city in the next decades. This research argues that this process of “reinvention of the city” can be explained for three factors: 1) A policy coalition involving key economic and social actors under the leadership of Barcelona‟s Major, which led to a new urban regime. 2) An intergovernmental game that privileged the cooperation between the federal and urban government, as well as the international sports institutions 3) An understanding of the Olympic infrastructures not only as a guarantee for the success of the event, but as the starting point for a new model of urban and identity development regarding to the XXI siècle. The main objective of the research is to analyze the possible application of urban regime approach to different local government systems of the US by analyzing a case study, Barcelona...

Acción colectiva rural, reforma agraria y política en El Ecuador, ca. 1920-1965

This thesis studies the rural collective action processes between 1920 and 1965 in Ecuador with a social history and political sociology approach. An approximation is carried out towards the conflicts, mobilizations and protests where indigenous and not indigenous peasants participated. Because of this, they are considered two periods, the first one that last from 1931 to 1947, sealed by the political instability and a constant change of governments; and the second one between 1948 and 1965, in a phase of successive constitutionally governments that ruled between 1948 and 1960. The conflicts and rural mobilizations reached a major visibility since 1958, deeply affecting the public opinion. The importance and magnitude of the rural mobilizations between 1959 and 1963 generated a controversy on their political effects in the agrarian change. Certainly, the rural mobilizations influenced in the outcome that took the political crisis, which concluded in the implantation of a military government in 1963. This government issued an Agrarian Reform Law in 1964, which modified partially the working relations and the land ownership. And, in addition, it defined a new type of military intervention in the policies that combined repression with reforms. The existence of a landowner social segment that backed a reform in the rural highland (sierra) society has been generally identified by Galo Plaza's figure. In his government (1948-1952), transformations were accentuated in the State intervention, mainly orientated towards the economic and political modernization. This was a new moment of coastal agro-exportation development with the leadership of the banana production. There were stimulated measures of promotion of the production and exportation of bananas. So, the road infrastructure was intensively spread and connected the producing zones with the export ports...

Percepção do clima de segurança do paciente em instituições hospitalares

Quase um em cada dez pacientes é lesionado ao receber cuidados de saúde e, destes, muitos sofrem lesões incapacitantes ou morte todos os anos. Entendendo a importância e o impacto negativo das falhas na segurança do paciente em âmbito global e a influência que a cultura e o clima de segurança exercem sobre a adoção de ações e decisões mais seguras, este estudo teve por objetivo a analise da cultura de segurança do paciente em instituições hospitalares, por meio da mensuração do clima de segurança. Trata-se de pesquisa quantitativa, transversal, do tipo Survey, em que para a realização da coleta de dados foi aplicado o Questionário de Atitudes de Segurança, adaptação transcultural para o Brasil do Safety Attitudes Questionnaire (SAQ) - Short Form 2006. O estudo ocorreu em dois hospitais gerais do estado de São Paulo, localizados em diferentes regiões metropolitanas, sendo um público e o outro privado. Os profissionais Médicos, Enfermeiros, Técnicos e Auxiliares de Enfermagem, Fisioterapeutas, Farmacêuticos e Nutricionistas, que atuavam nestes hospitais há pelo menos 6 meses, com carga horária de trabalho semanal de no mínimo 20 horas, constituíram a população deste estudo. Foi realizado um estudo piloto com 25 profissionais em cada hospital e a prevalência resultante deste teste foi utilizada no cálculo do tamanho amostral com nível de significância de 5%, erro relativo de 10% e perda de 20%, resultando em um total de 235 participantes. Os profissionais escolhidos como parte da amostra foram sorteados empregando-se amostragem aleatória simples computadorizada. As variáveis de cada domínio da escala quando testadas pelo Teste Kolmogorov-Smirnov não apresentaram normalidade. Deste modo, foi aplicado o Teste Mann-Whitney para comparar os valores das pontuações entre os hospitais e entre as categorias profissionais. Com relação aos resultados houve índice de participação de 86,8% da amostra sorteada, prevalecendo os sujeitos com 5 a 20 anos de tempo na especialidade, do gênero feminino, e trabalhadores da enfermagem. Não houve diferenças significantes dentre as pontuações obtidas pelos dois hospitais. Os participantes do estudo apresentaram percepção negativa quanto ao clima de segurança do paciente, com domínios Reconhecimento do Estresse e Percepção da Gestão apresentando resultados negativos, tanto para a amostra como um todo quanto por hospital. Os domínios Clima de Trabalho em Equipe, Satisfação no Trabalho e Comportamento Seguro/Práticas Seguras resultaram em percepções positivas para todas as categorias profissionais. Já o domínio Percepção da Gestão do Hospital resultou em percepção negativa para todas estas. Os Médicos e os Técnicos e Auxiliares de Enfermagem apresentaram percepções negativas em mais domínios. Em contrapartida, os Enfermeiros foram os únicos a apresentar atitude de segurança do paciente positiva, com escore total do SAQ exibindo diferença significante quando comparado a todas as outras categorias, apresentando também percepção positiva em maior número de domínios. Concluiu-se que existe a necessidade de abordagem relacionada ao Reconhecimento do Estresse dos profissionais, além dos aspectos do Gerenciamento. As categorias profissionais diferiram entre si com relação às percepções sobre a atitude de segurança do paciente. Desta forma, o desenvolvimento da cultura de segurança deve englobar todas as categorias profissionais, uma vez que esta abrange toda a organização, destacando-se a necessidade de enfoque de ações com relação a categoria dos Médicos e dos Técnicos e Auxiliares de Enfermagem. Além disso, ficou evidente o papel de destaque e liderança dos profissionais Enfermeiros nos processos de melhoria da qualidade, e colocando-os em posição privilegiada para conduzir os esforços de melhoria contínua da qualidade nos serviços de saúde

Becoming a State: Zionist and Palestinian Movements for National Liberation

This study examines the road to statehood for the Zionist and Palestinian movements. There are three components which frame this investigation: 1. social movements and the practices in which they engage that are aimed at establishing statehood for a people; 2. distinctive configurations of the international system and the manner in which both the material and ideational foundations of that system pulls units towards conformity and predictable behavior; and finally, 3. the role of agency, that is, the way in which instrumentally rational individuals attempt to push the structure in which they are embedded towards a configuration that is better suited to their interests and objectives The most influential factor guiding these struggles for national liberation are those forces which emanate from the prevailing structure of the international system. Not only was it demonstrated that the established material and ideational preferences of existing states have strong bearing on a movement’s ideological orientation and by consequence its chosen course of struggle, but hegemonic order configurations also define political cleavages and in so doing present movement leaders with both tactical and strategic opportunities by harnessing or exploiting those cleavages. From the agency perspective, the cases showed that the leadership of each movement was highly influential in the determination of a movement’s success or failure.

Una propuesta fallida para propagar la vacuna contra la viruela en Hispanoamérica (1802)

Tras la inicial propagación del método jenneriano por Inglaterra y el resto del continente europeo, se mostró un gran interés por difundirlo hacia Oriente y América. En el caso de España, los focos epidémicos que estaban ocurriendo en los territorios de ultramar movieron a las autoridades de los distintos virreinatos a solicitar a la Corona que enviara cuanto antes el nuevo remedio. La monarquía borbónica, que había introducido las expediciones científicas como elemento de progreso y dominio, aprobó el proyecto conocido como “Real Expedición Filantrópica de la Vacuna”, que partió hacia América al mando de Balmis en 1803. Relatamos una propuesta inédita anterior a esa, en la que un desconocido cirujano, Rafael de Malaguilla, se ofreció para llevar a cabo una iniciativa similar.

Domingos Leite Pereira: intervenção política e acção governativa durante a Primeira República

Este trabalho tem como objecto de estudo a intervenção política e a acção governativa de Domingos Leite Pereira (1882-1956) durante a Primeira República. Nesse sentido, pretendemos estudar a sua actividade parlamentar, partidária e governativa, apontando as suas principais linhas de força, incindindo, especialmente, no quadro de grande instabilidade política, social e económica que caracterizaram o regime republicano português após a I Guerra Mundial. Por outro lado, este trabalho procura estudar a luta pelo controlo e liderança do Partido Republicano Português, no mesmo período de tempo, incindindo, com mais pormenor, na dissidência partidária que Domingos Pereira lidera entre 1920 e 1921.

Climate Conundrums at High Altitude. EU Diplomacy Paper 01/2014, January 2014

The European Union (EU) was the frontrunner for the establishment of the world’s first multinational emissions trading scheme (ETS). Committed to combating climate change, the EU sought to overcome the multilateral paralysis within the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) to mitigate aviation emissions. Unsuccessful in pushing for a global market-based measure (MBM) within the organisation, the EU was ready for take-off to include the sector in the EU emissions trading system (EU ETS). The geographical scope, however, including all flights from and to Europe in their entire trajectory, caused frictions with the international community about sovereignty issues. Ultimately, Climate Commissioner Connie Hedegaard announced a ‘stop-the-clock’ for international flights, a temporary derogation until the 2013 ICAO Assembly in order to find a global agreement. The ’stop-the-clock’ initiative provides ample opportunity to analyse EU leadership in curbing aviation emissions based on an analytical framework specifying different types of leadership. Its shows the global challenge to the EU’s claim of structural leadership on various levels in and beyond ICAO. The paper aims to analyse to what extent the EU is a global leader in mitigating aviation emissions and to identify the kind of EU leadership according to a threefold analytical framework. In addition, it will factor in the 'stop-the-clock' initiative and to what extent it altered the perception of EU leadership in the field. The paper comes to the conclusion that EU leadership in mitigating aviation emissions is not stalling. On the contrary, the EU, by pursuing the extension of the EU ETS, has put aviation emissions on everybody’s radar – and thus showed idea-based leadership. Proving the scheme’s feasibility further underlined EU leadership, in the form of directional leadership. The 'stop-the-clock' decision, however, already indicated what was later on confirmed in the 38th ICAO Assembly: Unilateral structural leadership of the EU in the field of aviation emissions is not credible at the moment.

EU enlargement to the Balkans: will the leopard change its spots? EPC Commentary, 29 September 2014

As the leadership of the European Union hands over the baton to a new management this autumn, will the winds of change blow also through the cobwebs of the EU’s enlargement agenda? Jean-Claude Juncker – the incoming President of the European Commission – has already promised to put the gearbox of further EU widening in neutral for the next five years of his mandate, and has designated the Austrian Johannes Hahn as Commissioner for the re-baptised portfolio of now European Neighbourhood Policy and Enlargement Negotiations, instructing him to focus on the Union’s political and economic ties with Southern and Eastern Europe, and in particular with the Balkans. Such an approach in the field of enlargement – once crowned the jewel of EU foreign policy – has all the appeal of a damp rag but does not necessarily depart from the festina lente strategy of the recent past. Inside the Union, political appetite and public support for expansion have been fizzling since Bulgaria and Romania joined in 2007, and were then severely curbed in the context of the on-going crisis by growing fears of importing organised crime and migrants from the Balkans. Juncker’s logic of consolidation sounds depressingly similar to what it supposedly replaces and incidentally, it also fits neatly with the unambitious and inward-looking mantra favoured at present in discussions at all levels on the future of European integration, more generally. With the 28-member block determined to catch its breath in the immediate time period, and given that even the forerunner countries in the Balkans – that is, Montenegro and Serbia – will realistically need more than five years to complete their accession talks, what priorities should guide Commissioner Hahn, soon to be Directorate-General for Neighbourhood and Enlargement Negotiations – when they get down to business on 1 November?

New Pact for Europe: Towards a New Pact for Europe. Second report, October 2014

As the new EU leadership takes office, Europe faces a complex web of economic, political, social and global challenges which require new responses – above all, the need to restore the public’s faith and trust after the years of crisis which have prompted growing dissatisfaction with the Union, with many people now seeing it as part of the problem rather than part of the solution to those challenges. In 2012, a consortium of 11 European foundations initiated by the King Baudouin Foundation and Bertelsmann Stiftung, and supported by the European Policy Centre, decided to launch a project to promote a Europe-wide debate on the future of EU integration: an ambitious participatory initiative whose ultimate goal is to develop realistic reform proposals to shore up a Union hit by multiple storms in recent years, which have left many people questioning its capacity to respond effectively to those challenges. Two years later, we are proud to be able to present the outcome of this endeavour: the result of a joint reflection process involving the public, politicians, policy-makers, business leaders, trade unionists, EU experts, opinion-formers and other civil society representatives in many EU Member States. Obviously, not all the ideas and proposals generated by this process could be included in this report, but we hope that it faithfully reflects the feedback we received in all the debates. The discussions we have had led to the report that you now hold in your hands, which calls for a New Pact for Europe – between EU Member States and between the EU and its citizens – to enhance the Union’s capacity to deliver effective solutions to the many challenges facing Europe, and to do so in a way that benefits all EU countries and groups within society. This report is designed to feed into the on-going discussions about the EU’s future as the new leadership team takes charge, providing what we hope will be seen as a valuable contribution to the debate on how to introduce ambitious while at the same time workable and realistic reforms to make the EU more effective in responding to the challenges we face. We hope that it will be taken up for discussion by the new European Parliament, the new leadership of the European Commission, European Council and European External Action Service, and also by policy-makers in the Member States. And it does not by any means mark the end of the process. The report will be discussed again with policy-makers and stakeholders in a majority of Member States. Their feedback is important to us and will impact the future progress of the initiative.