965 resultados para Women Press coverage Queensland Brisbane


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Agricultural pests are responsible for millions of dollars in crop losses and management costs every year. In order to implement optimal site-specific treatments and reduce control costs, new methods to accurately monitor and assess pest damage need to be investigated. In this paper we explore the combination of unmanned aerial vehicles (UAV), remote sensing and machine learning techniques as a promising methodology to address this challenge. The deployment of UAVs as a sensor platform is a rapidly growing field of study for biosecurity and precision agriculture applications. In this experiment, a data collection campaign is performed over a sorghum crop severely damaged by white grubs (Coleoptera: Scarabaeidae). The larvae of these scarab beetles feed on the roots of plants, which in turn impairs root exploration of the soil profile. In the field, crop health status could be classified according to three levels: bare soil where plants were decimated, transition zones of reduced plant density and healthy canopy areas. In this study, we describe the UAV platform deployed to collect high-resolution RGB imagery as well as the image processing pipeline implemented to create an orthoimage. An unsupervised machine learning approach is formulated in order to create a meaningful partition of the image into each of the crop levels. The aim of this approach is to simplify the image analysis step by minimizing user input requirements and avoiding the manual data labelling necessary in supervised learning approaches. The implemented algorithm is based on the K-means clustering algorithm. In order to control high-frequency components present in the feature space, a neighbourhood-oriented parameter is introduced by applying Gaussian convolution kernels prior to K-means clustering. The results show the algorithm delivers consistent decision boundaries that classify the field into three clusters, one for each crop health level as shown in Figure 1. The methodology presented in this paper represents a venue for further esearch towards automated crop damage assessments and biosecurity surveillance.

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We discuss three approaches to the use of technology as a teaching and learning tool that we are currently implementing for a target group of about one hundred second level engineering mathematics students. Central to these approaches is the underlying theme of motivating relatively poorly motivated students to learn, with the aim of improving learning outcomes. The approaches to be discussed have been used to replace, in part, more traditional mathematics tutorial sessions and lecture presentations. In brief, the first approach involves the application of constructivist thinking in the tertiary education arena, using technology as a computational and visual tool to create motivational knowledge conflicts or crises. The central idea is to model a realistic process of how scientific theory is actually developed, as proposed by Kuhn (1962), in contrast to more standard lecture and tutorial presentations. The second approach involves replacing procedural or algorithmic pencil-and-paper skills-consolidation exercises by software based tasks. Finally, the third approach aims at creating opportunities for higher order thinking via "on-line" exploratory or discovery mode tasks. The latter incorporates the incubation period method, as originally discussed by Rubinstein (1975) and others.

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The questions of whether science pursues truth as correspondence to reality and whether science in fact progresses towards attaining a truthful understanding of physical reality are fundamental and contested in the philosophy of science. On one side of the debate stands Popper, who argues that science is objective, necessarily assumes a correspondence theory of truth, and inevitably progresses toward truth as physical theories develop, gaining a more truthful understanding of reality through progressively more sophisticated empirical analysis. Conversely Kuhn, influenced by postmodern philosophy, argues that ultimate truth cannot be attained since no objective metaphysical reality exists and it cannot be known, and consequently the notion of scientific objectivity and "progress" is a myth, marred by philosophical and ideological value judgments. Ultimately, Kuhn reduces so-called scientific progress through the adoption of successive paradigms to leaps of "faith". This paper seeks a reconciliation of the two extremes, arguing that Popper is correct in the sense that science assumes a correspondence theory of truth and may progress toward truth as physical theories develop, while simultaneously acknowledging with Kuhn that science is not purely objective and free of value judgments. The notion of faith is also critical, for it was the acknowledgement of God's existence as the creator and instituter of observable natural laws which allowed the development of science and the scientific method in the first place. Therefore, accepting and synthesising the contentions that science is to some extent founded on faith, assumes and progresses toward truth, and is subject to value judgments is necessary for the progress of science.

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The term ‘jurisprudence’ is derived etymologically from the Latin juris, meaning law, and prudentia, meaning wisdom. So jurisprudence simply means the wisdom of the law, or, as it has come to mean in scholarly legal circles these days, the theory of law. It asks fundamental questions regarding the nature and definition of law. And so, the question I wish to pose to us today is what does a truly “Christian” theory of law look like? One that is faithful to, as taken from the conference brochure, the “historic Christian faith” in its “principles and practice”. To contextualise this question, I must give you a deceptively brief and superficial overview of prevailing theories of law – and for those of you who know more about the topic, I apologise for the crass nature of my summary – time prevents me from doing any more...

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In this study of symbolic power relations in a transnational merger, we suggest that the popular media can provide a significant arena for (re)constructing national identities and power in this kind of dramatic industrial restructuring, and are an under-utilized source of empirical data in research studies. Focusing on the press coverage of a recent Swedish-Finnish merger, we specify and illustrate a particular feature of discursive (re)construction of asymmetric power relations; superior (Swedish) and inferior (Finnish) national identities, which, we argue, are embedded in the history of colonization and domination between the two nations. The findings of the present study lead us to suggest that a lens taken from post-colonial theory is particularly useful in understanding the wider symbolic power implications of international industrial restructuring.

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Resumen: El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar comparativamente el modo en que la prensa gráfica de circulación nacional construyó en noticia el discurso pronunciado por el ex presidente Néstor Kirchner en ocasión de la promulgación de una medida de política de comunicación. Se trata del decreto firmado por el ex primer mandatario el 20 de mayo de 2005, que dispuso la suspensión del cómputo de todas las licencias de radio y televisión del país por un plazo de diez años. El estudio de las noticias se aborda desde una perspectiva interdisciplinaria que combina el análisis del discurso con herramientas metodológicas propias de las teorías sobre el periodismo.

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Esta tese avalia como se dá a atuação da imprensa brasileira em relação a aspectos importantes para a qualidade de uma democracia, considerando o conceito de embedded democracy, segundo o qual democracias constitucionais são formadas por cinco regimes parciais: direitos civis; liberdade política; accountability horizontal; poder efetivo para governar; e regime eleitoral democrático, todos ligados a esferas externas responsáveis pela viabilização de condições para essas democracias, dentre elas, os media. Neste contexto, a imprensa teria algumas funções ser fórum de discussões; dar voz à opinião pública; servir de olhos e ouvidos dos cidadãos; fiscalizar e mostrar irregularidades , que podem ser prejudicadas pela mercantilização dos media e aspectos da produção da rotina jornalística. Para verificar isso, busco evidências empíricas da cobertura da imprensa escrita sobre a política nacional, especialmente sobre os dois principais atores, Legislativo e Executivo, por meio da análise de 1.768 notícias

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Este estudo faz uma análise dos debates presidenciais na televisão como eventos persuasivos de campanha. O objetivo foi contribuir para a compreensão não só do papel dessa fonte de informação política no contexto brasileiro, mas discutir também de maneira sistemática os seus possíveis efeitos. Os debates na TV são uma variável comunicacional de curto prazo dos processos eleitorais. Eles oferecem estímulos comunicacionais que são disseminados no ambiente da campanha, seja por quem o assiste diretamente, seja por quem fica sabendo desses eventos e dos desempenhos dos candidatos através de outros dispositivos, como a imprensa e o Horário da Propaganda Gratuita Eleitoral (HPGE). Como apenas informação não basta para explicar mudanças de opinião, focamos o estudo em dois eixos principais. O primeiro deles na identificação e no mapeamento das estratégias persuasivas adotadas pelos candidatos, porque eles são instados a confrontar seus adversários, num evento ao vivo, e por meio do qual os eleitores podem avaliar não só o seu posicionamento político, como a maneira que se apresentam. Está presente, neste caso, um impacto sobre a atitude dos eleitores com relação aos competidores. Os principais resultados indicam haver um padrão no objetivo das mensagens, prevalecendo, no agregado, o ataque entre os candidatos da oposição, e a aclamação entre os candidatos da situação. O posicionamento do candidato, bem como o conteúdo político das mensagens apresentaram resultados significativos para um possível efeito sobre a atitude dos eleitores. No estudo, propomos ainda a análise dos enquadramentos adotados pelos competidores, cuja função é estabelecer um quadro de referência para a audiência. Esta variável, que procura levar em conta aspectos da comunicação verbal e nãoverbal, também apresentou resultados significativos. No segundo eixo analítico, tratamos dos efeitos agregados desses acontecimentos de campanha. Foram analisados os debates de 2002, quando prevalecia um clima de opinião favorável à oposição, e 2010, quando o clima é favorável à situação. Com relação ao impacto dos debates no ambiente informacional, os dados sugerem que, em 2002, a atuação de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (PT), candidato da oposição, levou a uma ampliação da cobertura jornalística positiva sobre o candidato; enquanto houve um declínio dessa cobertura para José Serra (PSDB), candidato da situação. Em 2010, na cobertura da imprensa após os debates, tanto a candidata da situação, Dilma Rousseff (PT), quanto o da oposição, José Serra, apresentaram equilíbrio. O impacto no ambiente informacional da campanha foi acompanhado de um aumento da intenção de voto agregada para os candidatos que lideravam as pesquisas e que representavam a mudança em 2002, no caso Lula, ou a continuidade em 2010, no caso Dilma. Nas duas eleições, portanto, os debates na TV no Brasil indicaram ser eventos persuasivos importantes, apesar de terem um papel menos central como dispositivo de informação eleitoral e de não levarem à troca de posição entre os competidores nas pesquisas opinião. Mas eles contribuem, ao menos indiretamente, para consolidar e ampliar intenções de voto dos primeiros colocados a partir de uma percepção positiva disseminada sobre os seus desempenhos.

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A presente dissertação tem como objetivo observar as representações construídas pelo jornal Folha de S. Paulo sobre o conjunto de protestos de rua, ocorrido nos meses de agosto e setembro de 1992, que influenciou o processo de impeachment do presidente Collor. A pesquisa também questionou o interesse e atuação do jornal em relação a Collor desde as eleições de 1989 até o impeachment. Para responder a tais problemas, o trabalho mobilizou os conceitos de hegemonia e imprensa como partido político, propostos por Gramsci, o conceito de campo jornalístico, de Bourdieu, e o de agenda-setting, delineado por McCombs e Shaw. A historiografia consultada abordou o contexto histórico anterior ao governo Collor, as relações entre o presidente e os grandes veículos de imprensa do país, a história do periódico e o papel dos movimentos sociais no processo de impeachment. A revisão bibliográfica, apoiada pela leitura de editoriais do jornal, constatou que ele apoiava medidas neoliberais, como as privatizações das empresas públicas e o fim de mecanismos protecionistas do Estado à indústria nacional, que foram implementadas por Collor. Porém, o periódico fazia oposição ao presidente devido ao fracasso da sua política econômica e a sua postura autoritária em relação às críticas jornalísticas. Para perceber a visão da Folha de S. Paulo sobre os movimentos sociais, a pesquisa examinou textos editoriais e o conteúdo publicado no caderno Folhateen, voltado ao público jovem, durante os meses de julho a setembro de 1992. As análises mostraram que, em um primeiro momento, o jornal viu as manifestações com desconfiança. Posteriormente, com o seu crescimento, ele passou a apoiá-las e procurou influenciar a sua direção, diminuindo a importância dos partidos e entidades sindicais e estudantis de esquerda nas suas narrações dos protestos.

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The relationship between late-Victorian Decadence and Aestheticism and politics has long been vexed. This article explores the hitherto under-explored confluence of conservatism and avant-garde literature in the period by introducing The Senate, a Tory-Decadent journal that ran from 1894-7. While Decadent authors occupied various political positions, this article argues that The Senate offers a crucial link between conservatism and Decadence The article presents the journal in its political and publishing context, outlining its editorial position on such issues as the Liberal Unionist-Conservative coalition governments, Britain's relationship with Europe and the threat of ‘State Socialism’, as well as its valorisation of Bollingbroke and eighteenth-century Toryism, and its relationship to, and difference from, key Decadent journals the Yellow Book and The Savoy. It then goes on to articulate its relationship to Decadence by focussing on the presence of Paul Verlaine in its pages and its vitriolic response to the press coverage of Oscar Wilde's trials. The article concludes by exploring the surprising wake of The Senate, briefly tracing the editors' influence in the development of Modernism and links with the journal BLAST.

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This chapter explores whether ethical cultures can be created within a financial market context. Ongoing regulatory and legal actions, and press coverage of these, suggest that a definition of ethical problems in terms of ‘rogue traders’ and ‘bad apples’ would be inadequate, since entire business areas have been resorting to collusive illegal behaviour. The concept of ‘bad barrels’ seems to capture the situation rather better: the culture of firms fails to discourage transgression and indeed supports it. Unpacking the links between regulatory objectives and the cultural settings of firms and their employees, this chapter questions the chances of success of measures such as enhanced controls on individuals and restructured reward mechanisms. Financial firms typically have very flat, nodal structures, within which traders conceptualise themselves as an elite, in contrast to back office staff and also in contrast to managers. Traders’ functions and their occupational mobility mean that their linkages and attachments may be much stronger with others outside ‘their’ firm than their firm and those within it. Performance, camaraderie and their linkages are important in all work situations, yet all the more so for traders in financial markets. Thus, whether regulators and senior management combine to send a clear and consistent message to traders – or whether the logic of the financial marketplace leads some firms to continue send conflicting or ambivalent messages to them – misconduct is likely to continue to be a tough nut to crack.

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This thesis argues that the motivations underpinning the mainstream news media have fundamentally changed in the 21 sl century. As such, the news is no longer best understood as a tool for propaganda or agenda setting; instead it seems that the news is only motivated by the flow of global network capitalism. The author contrasts the work of Noam Chomsky and Edward S. Herman with that of Gilles Deleuze. Chomsky and Herman's 'Propaganda Model' has been influential within the fields of media studies and popular culture. The 'propaganda model' states that the concentration of ownership of the media has allowed the media elite to exert a disproportionate amount of influence over the mass media. Deleuze, on the other hand, regards the mass media as being yet another cog within the global capitalist mechanism, and is therefore separate from ideology or propaganda. The author proposes that 'propaganda' is no longer a sufficient word to describe the function of the news as terms like 'propaganda' imply some form of national sovereignty or governmental influence. To highlight how the news has 'changed from an instrument of propaganda to an instrument of accumulation, the author compares and contrasts the· coverage of the Abu Ghraib Prison Scandal with that of the Haditha Civilian Massacre. Although similar in nature, the author proposes that the Abu Ghraib Prison Scandal received a disproportionate amount of coverage within the mainstream press because of its exciting and sensational nature.

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Lorsque la guerre européenne éclate en août 1914, les États-Unis adoptent officiellement une position de stricte neutralité. Le pays n’en est pas moins tiraillé de l’intérieur pour autant. Au cours des quelque deux années et demi de neutralité, plusieurs moments forts et thématiques ont redéfini le rapport des États-Unis à la guerre européenne, jusqu’à justifier l’entrée en guerre en avril 1917, et propulsant par le fait même le pays à l’avant de la scène internationale. Cependant, les analyses relatives à la couverture de la guerre par la presse américaine pendant cette période sont pratiquement inexistantes. En se penchant sur les articles en une et les éditoriaux du quotidien The New York Times, il est possible de suivre l’évolution des thématiques liées au conflit et de comparer certains évènements que l’historiographie a ciblés comme étant à l’origine de l’entrée en guerre. Le but est de voir comment le NYT présente le conflit européen, de quelles façons le journal cherche à influencer son lectorat et, surtout, comment il « voit » peu à peu le conflit s’immiscer dans la vie des Américains. Certains thèmes comme le mouvement du preparedness et le traitement de la communauté germano-américaine nous renseignent sur les changements de perception qui s’opèrent dans la couverture du NYT. L’historiographie classique présente le torpillage du paquebot Lusitania le 7 mai 1915 comme le point à l’origine de la rupture officieuse de la neutralité américaine, au profit d’un sentiment proallié. Notre analyse tend à nuancer fortement cette affirmation. D’autres moments-clés et thématiques présentées dans le NYT ont eu plus d’impact sur la neutralité américaine. Nos résultats de recherche questionnent en fait la nature et la temporalité de la « neutralité » américaine. Est-ce réellement, comme le souhaitait au départ le président américain Wilson une « neutralité bienveillante », ou de la poudre aux yeux?

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Overseas trained teachers (OTTs) have grown in numbers during the past decade, particularly in London and the South East of England. In this recruitment explosion many OTTs have experienced difficulties. In professional literature as well as press coverage OTTs often become part of a deficit discourse. A small-scale pilot investigation of OTT experience has begun to suggest why OTTs have been successful as well as the principal challenges they have faced. An important factor in their success was felt to be the quality of support in school from others on the staff. Major challenges included the complexity of the primary curriculum. The argument that globalisation leads to brain-drain may be exaggerated. Suggestions for further research are made, which might indicate the positive benefits OTTs can bring to a school.

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Air accidents represent a small proportion of the flights registered worldwide. Airplane collisions in the air are rare. In September of 2006, a Boeing 737-800 collided in midair with a Legacy Jet. It was the largest accident registered in the history of Brazilian aviation until that time. The present study explores aspects of press coverage of the accident. Data and information reported in the media about the accident from September 2006 to August 2007 were collected and discussed. Media coverage called attention to two unusual aspects: politicisation of the discussion, culminating in the opening of congressional inquiries, and equally the concomitance of police investigations interfering in the work of agencies responsible for the official accident investigation. Emphasis on assigning guilt and establishing penalties may close the windows of opportunity an accident had opened for discussions on the improvement of air safety. In Brazil, political imperatives and organizational pressures have interfered and the possibilities of organizational learning from the accident have been drastically curtailed.