982 resultados para Spain. Cortes (1820-1823)


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O presente estudo consiste numa análise da cultura política no início do Liberalismo em Portugal, centrada sobre os deputados micaelenses nas Cortes Portuguesas que emergiram da revolução liberal de 1820 e, por outro lado, numa revisitação da revolução de 1821 em Ponta Delgada. Nesse contexto, a proposta de projecto apresentada por um dos deputados que visava a abolição dos vínculos na ilha de São Miguel e nos Açores foi o mote para esta dissertação. Visitamos a conjuntura de outro espaço atlântico na mesma época, a Madeira, de modo a conduzirmos uma avaliação comparativa, mantendo o quadro atlântico em perspectiva. Recorremos, por fim, à biografia de um deputado para obtermos uma escala de observação mais próxima da dinâmica política.

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Cultura Moderna e Contemporânea, n.3

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The aim of this study was to undertake a comparative analysis of the practices and information behaviour of European information users who visit information units specialising in European information in Portugal and Spain. The study used a quantitative methodology based on a questionnaire containing closed questions and one open question. The questions covered the general sociological profile of the respondents and their use of European Document Centres, in addition to analysing aspects associated with information behaviour relating to European themes. The study therefore examined data on the preferred means and sources for accessing European information, types of documents and the subjects investigated most. The use of European databases and the Internet to access material on Europe was also studied, together with the reasons which users considered made it easy or difficult to access European information, and the aspects they valued most in accessing this information. The questionnaire was administered in European Document Centres in 2008 and 2010.

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A Work Project, presented as part of the requirements for the Award of a Masters Degree in Management from the NOVA – School of Business and Economics

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A Work Project, presented as part of the requirements for the Award of a Masters Degree in Management from the NOVA – School of Business and Economics

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The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.

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Double Degree. A Work Project presented as part of the requirements for the Award of a Master Degree in Management from the NOVA – School of Business and Economics and a Master Degree in Business Engineering from Louvain School of Management

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Field Lab in Entrepreneurial Innovative Ventures

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This project explores the case of Sustainability Reporting in Spain and Portugal and the recently launched new generation of Global Reporting Initiative Guidelines. The sample of the study is composed of companies included in the “GRI Report list 1999-2015”. In particular 2013 onwards 51 companies that published their G4 Report are taken into consideration. An indirect study is conducted based on the content of the sustainability reports of companies that implemented the Global Report Initiatives (GRI) reporting guidelines in order to identify focus areas of sustainability reporting in Spain and Portugal, analyzing trends and patterns relevant for observation. The project also promotes a discussion of the usability of the G4 guidelines and the adoption of materiality definition.

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Crystallization temperatures of the oceanic carbonatites of Fuerteventura, Canary Islands, have been determined from oxygen isotope fractionations between calcite, silicate minerals (feldspar, pyroxene, biotite, and zircon) and magnetite. The measured fractionations have been interpreted in the light of late stage interactions with meteoric and/or magmatic water. Cathodoluminescence characteristics were investigated for the carbonatite minerals in order to determine the extent of alteration and to select unaltered samples. Oxygen isotope fractionations of minerals of unaltered samples yield crystallization temperatures between 450 and 960degreesC (average 710degreesC). The highest temperature is obtained from pyroxene-calcite pairs. The above range is in agreement with other carbonatite thermometric Studies. This is the first study that provides oxygen isotope data coupled with a CL study on carbonatite-related zircon. The CL pictures revealed that the zircon is broken and altered in the carbonatites and in associated syenites. Regarding geological field evidences of syenite-carbonatite relationship and the close agreement of published zircon U/Pb and whole rock and biotite K/Ar and Ar-Ar age data, the most probable process is early zircon crystallization from the syenite magma and late-stage reworking during magma evolution and carbonatite segregation. The oxygen isotope fractionations between zircon and other carbonatite minerals (calcite and pyroxene) support the assumption that the zircon would correspond to the early crystallization of syenite-carbonatite magmas.

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Lung cancer mortality in young women in the European Union (EU) has steadily increased until the mid 1990 s and has levelled off thereafter, but trends have been heterogeneous in various countries. We analyzed therefore age-standardized trends in lung cancer mortality in young women (20-44) for the 6 major European countries, using joinpoint regression. In the early 1970s the highest lung cancer mortality in young women was in the UK (2.1/100,000). UK rates, however, steadily declined and in 2000-2004 they were the lowest of all 6 major EU countries (1.2/100,000). The second lowest rate in 2000-2002 was in Italy, whose rates remained around 1.1/100,000 between 1970 and 1994, and increased to 1.4 thereafter. In Germany and Poland, lung cancer rates in young women rose from 0.8-1.0/100,000 in the early 1970s to 1.7-1.9 in the mid 1990 s and levelled off during the last decade. Major rises over recent years were observed in France (from 0.8/100,000 in 1985-1989 to 2.2 in 2000-2003) and in Spain (from 0.8 in the 1985-1989 to 1.7 in 2000-2004). Thus, France showed both the highest rate observed over the last 3 decades and the largest rise over the last 2 decades. Since recent trends in the young give relevant information to the likely future trends in middle age, the female lung cancer epidemic is likely to expand in southern Europe from the current rates of 5.0/100,000 in Spain and 7.7 in France to approach 20/100,000 within the next 2-3 decades. Urgent interventions for smoking cessation in women are therefore required.