959 resultados para Socialism and Christianity.
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La obra histórica del erudito y enciclopedista de la edad de oro de la literatura árabe copta, de la cual el Dr. Samuel Moawad (Munster) está preparando una edición, representa en realidad una colección de tres tratados divididos artificialmente en 51 capítulos secuenciales. El núcleo cronológico es precedido por un largo tratado con 47 capítulos sobre cálculos astronómicos y eclesiásticos así como épocas históricas y calendarios de diferentes naciones. La parte histórica propia (ch. 48-50), de los cuales el llamado Chronicon orientale representa una deficiente revisión anónima, trata sucesivamente de historia universal, dinastías islámicas y patriarcas coptos. Un sumario histórico, así como dogmático, de los primeros siete/ocho concilios de la Iglesia cristiana (cap. 51) termina la compilación entera. El conocido historiador al-Makin Ibn al-.Amid hace un gran uso de la labor de su contemporáneo y, al parecer a través de él, los grandes historiadores musulmanes: Ibn Khaldun, Maqrizi o Qalqashandi hacen mención continua de Ibn al-Rahib. Más tarde en el siglo XVI, el K. al-Tawarikh fue traducido en etiópico y tuvo un gran impacto en la literatura histórica y computacional de los etíopes.
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Preface dated 1856.
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This is a highly original study of possession by demons and their exorcism, which was rife in early modern times, focussing on the place where they were most prevalent, France. Catholics at the time believed that the devil was present everywhere, in the rise of the heretics, in the activities of witches, and even in the bodies of the pious young women. The rite of exorcism was intended to heal the possessed and show the power of the church - but it generated as many problems as it resolved. Possessed nuns endured frequently violent exorcisms, exorcists were suspected of conjuring devils, and possession itself came to be seen as a form of holiness, elevating several women to the status of living saints. Sarah Ferber offers a challenging study of one of the most intriguing phenomena of early modern Europe; looking also at the present day, it argues that early modern conflicts over the devil still carry an unexpected force and significance for western Christianity (from publisher).
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Essays that became known as ""interpretations of Brazil"" appeared mostly between the proclamation of the Republic in 1889 and the spurt in academic life in the 1930s and later. These essays sought an overall analysis of Brazil. However, as universities developed, works of this kind began to lose ground to monographs with more circumscribed aims. The sociologist Florestan Fernandes greatly influenced this development, but his last important work, A revolucao burguesa no Brasil (The Bourgeois Revolution in Brazil), written after the military coup of 1964, differs from his other works, as is indicated by its subtitle, ""an essay of sociological interpretation."" On the one hand lies the ""essay,"" on the other the ""sociological interpretation."" The former allows him to ""interpret Brazil,"" but he does so with the eyes of a sociologist. Establishing a dialogue between A revolucao burguesa no Brasil and other interpretations of Brazil such as those of Prado Junior, Vianna, Buarque, and Freyre reveals the significance of this distinction.
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The Portuguese arrival in India marked the beginning of the age of modern globalization that has been sustained until very recently in conditions that were favourable for the western domination of the globe. Adam Smith analyzed the origin of the wealth of nations in pre-Gamic and post-Gamic eras. It is presently experiencing tremors that were predicted by Andre Gunder Frank in his ReOrient, which the bulk of the western sociologists and economists sought to ignore. For Gunder Frank the past five centuries saw an ephemeral rise of the West, exploring and exploiting the pre-existent markets of China and India. He saw these making a comeback.
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The excavations of the Dericik Early Christian Basilicas revealed the importance of the surrounding area of Bursa for understanding Early Christianity between the Late Roman and Early Byzantine periods. In the salvage excavations of 2001, the basic plan of the basilica (nave, narthex, presbyterium and apse) was revealed. The most important artefacts uncovered in that year were the mosaic pavements with geometric and plant ornaments and a grave located in the North Eastern corner of the church. The mosaic of the basilica was laid with the opus tessellatum technique on a thick mortar foundation with white, red, yellow, olive green and dark blue tesserae. A refrigerium scene is represented in the middle of the narthex mosaic. The mosaic in the centre of the nave is divided into parts, one of which with figures of birds inside octagons. In the transitional area between the nave and apse, three heavily damaged inscriptions have been conserved each of three or four lines, one of them indicating the wish of Epituchanos, diakôn, a church member.
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Recently a number of mainstream papers have treated the rise of democracy in 19th century Europe and its instability in Latin America in an eminently Marxist fashion. This paper sets out their implications for Marxist thought. With respect to Europe, Marx's emphasis on political action backed by the threat of violence is vindicated but his justification for socialism is not. With respect to Latin America, the unequal distribution of wealth is the cause of political instability that is, in turn, the root cause of mass poverty. In addition it is possible to explain some of the paradoxical characteristics of neo-liberalism and to make a weak argument for socialism in spite of its rejection in Europe.
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This paper describes the implications for Marxist thought of the work of Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson. In the first two periods of this they explained how the rise of democracy brought prosperity to Europe and why the same process had not worked in Latin America because of the possibility of coups. The implication is that mass poverty can better be alleviated by safeguarding democracy rather than moving to socialism. In the last period A and R have formalized doubts about the efficacy of democracy in this role. The implication here is that Marxists should work to find a system of government that is immune to elite dominance. Hugo Chávez is taken as an example.
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Depending on the context, Christians, Muslims and Jews have constructed their own religion, perceived the religions of others, and articulated relations between religions in different ways. This paper examines the rise in history of the three communities, which came to identify themselves through their religions and have been highly sensitive to differences. It indicates common features and parallels of which adherents may have been more or less conscious. The central question in such research is what persons and groups mean in particular situations when they call themselves Christian, Muslim or Jewish. The variety of personal and group identities in the three religious communities has been concealed partly by religious leaderships concerned with the survival of their flocks, and partly by the use of the general concepts of Christianity, Islam and Judaism with which believers have been called to identify. These concepts have shut people into separate religious pigeonholes and could thus be used to support ethnic, social and other rivalries. This pigeonholing has also confronted more spiritually-oriented people with problems of social identity, religious belonging and spiritual authenticity.
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(Résumé de l'ouvrage) In a world society ruled by economic globalisation, by political interests and theories such as Huntington's «clash of civilisations» that widen the gap between the North and the South, the question should be asked of the role of the religion. To what extent religion and politics can work together? Can faith still be thought as a means of saving the world? Considering that Christianity, Islam and Judaism have much in common, this collection of miscellanies wonders if these religions can join their forces for public benefit. Senior and junior scholars from all over the world, gathered for an interdisciplinary seminar, analyse the contemporary international relationships and geopolitics through the prism of religion, discussing whether it can provide practical solutions to solve conflicts and increase the respect of human rights.
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Tugan-Baranovsky's ideas on socialism are reconstructed with an emphasis on the relation between political economy and utopia. Utopia enters the stage after the critique of capitalism, in the definition of the realm of possibilities in the world of ideas. With the help of ethics, the notion of ideal socialism, unreachable by definition, is defined in the sphere of utopia. Thus, the task of political economy is first to show which of these possible worlds are reachable in the real world, and second to choose the one that conforms better to ideal socialism: this is socialism in practice through the economic plan. Thus, far from considering utopia and science as contradictory, Tugan-Baranovsky saw them as complementary, and his socialism is the result of the dialogue he instituted between them.