As relações escravistas na Província de Mato Grosso e na região de Sant’Ana de Paranaíba no século XIX

A introdução de negros submetidos ao cativeiro na Capitania de Mato Grosso decorreu da descoberta das minas de Cuiabá. A crise da mineração deslocou os capitais utilizados na mineração para outros setores, ou seja, Mato Grosso passava, no começo do século XIX, por uma fase de transição da economia mineradora para a agropastoril. Nesse período, uma onda povoadora oriunda de Minas Gerais e São Paulo, alcançou o núcleo de Sant’Ana do Paranaíba e dali se expandiu para grande parte do sudeste do antigo Mato Grosso, valendo-se amplamente do braço escravizado para suas incursões, apossamentos e desenvolvimento econômico. Este texto busca compreender as relações escravistas em Sant’Ana de Paranaíba, bem como o papel do escravo naquela sociedade.

Tempos de crise: o império português, a crise açucareira, o tráfico de escravos e a lei das arqueações (1640-1695)

Pós-graduação em História - FCLAS

Entre a fábrica e a senzala: um estudo sobre o cotidiano dos africanos livres na Real Fábrica de Ferro São João do Ipanema - Sorocaba - SP (1840-1870)

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

Injustiça e poder segundo Noam Chomsky

Injustice and power according to Noam Chomsky. In the beginning of the Politics, Aristotle establishes the two lesser forms of sociability: the relationships between man and woman and between master and the slave. In this context, he observes that “Hellenes are natural masters of barbarians” and the reason is that Greeks know philosophy and barbarians still resort to violence (ARISTOTLE, Politics, 1252a.). Shortly after defines “just war” as a war that has a fair cause, that is, which is well justified by philosophy or a fair speech (ARISTOTLE, Politics, 1255a.). This scene briefly expresses the manner in which the USA understands their role in the contemporary world. Chomsky points out the political use of massive military force of his country and denounces how it articulates internally and externally. He affirms that politics is excessively submitted to “ideology”, to doxa, as opposed to natural sciences. His militancy, thus, only advocates freedom and unrestricted right to information. In Camelot, the Kennedy years (1993), for example, the MIT’s professor collects information from congressmen’s speeches and government officials and from secret documents made public and he explicits the methods and actions of the US government. Thereby he can conclude that the US has, for historical reasons, an internal posture that is advocate or contrary to what they imposes to other countries. Power and justice on the one hand, force and injustice on the other –according to their own political discourse.

As revoltas dos trabalhadores em Jirau (RO): degradação do trabalho represada na produção de energia elétrica na Amazônia

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Memória de onde, memória de quem

The spatial formation of Rio Claro city preserves several features of the problematic transition from the slave to remunerated labor in the late 20th, when the tacit ethnic bipolar sociability standard emerged, imprinting “black” and “white” forms to the city’s urban space. The ethnic social clubs José do Patrocínio and Tamoio, are two objects of ethnic groups’ exclusive use. Such ethnic social clubs indicate the existence of conflicts in their formation, as well as in their present existence, they are forms that preserve in themselves the codes and histories of the local black movement’s fight for their rights and for an autonomous place in the local society. In the present context the spaces are increasingly subjected to commercial interests and the spirits are embedded in confusion. What is the value of these spaces for the subjects who built them? The versions and narratives from oral accounts will allow us to understand the existing dimensions in the relation between the places and the memory, evidencing the importance of the patrimony and the patrimonial policies to the cities in the present historical period of geographic space globalization

A emergência do escravo agente na historiografia brasileira da escravidão entre os anos 1970 e 1980

Pós-graduação em História - FCLAS

José Feliciano de Castilho e a tradição clássica do séc. XIX: memória sobre a segunda égloga de Virgílio

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

O tráfico de escravos nas relações externas de Brasil e de Portugal: 1822 a 1850

Pós-graduação em História - FCLAS

Joaquim Nabuco, a política escravista e o abolicionismo

In this article initially we tried to show the criticism made by Nabuco about the imperial slave politics, then your search overcoming of slavery through the abolitionist campaign. The two moments of labor established the confrontation of his positions with the treatment given to the topics studied by historiography in the variety of their views.

A família escrava nos plantéis dos conjurados mineiros da comarca do Rio das Mortes (Minas Gerais, 1789-1791)

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

Semana Ilustrada, o Moleque e o Dr. Semana: imprensa, cidade e humor no Rio de Janeiro do 2º Reinado

Pós-graduação em História - FCLAS

A influência da raça nas relações de poder: uma análise sobre o município de Araraquara

Analyzing the Brazilian people's formation and its ethnic variety, the racial issue is marked by racism as a tendency of thought that gathers different human races. The miscegenation originated by the crossbreeding occurred widely among Brazil and carried with it a racial prejudice based on European theses about the population's whitening. Since the arrival of the black population to the country, in the condition of slave, their image is stuck to the stigma of inferiority in relation to white people, making it difficult to have a political influence and introduce themselves into the Brazilian dominant elite. We intent to bring the discussion about local power, coronelismo and patronage, trying to demonstrate how the dominant elite's power and resources allocation schemes, put aside the lower-class from the political scene which is even worse for the black population regarding the suffered racial prejudice. Assuming the matters described above, we argue around the insertion of the black people into the political scenario, taking the City of Araraquara -SP as target to analyze the conditions that prevents them from achieving high positions inside the public sector and develop the issue between representation, social inclusion and political participation

As relações de trabalho e a resistência escrava em Sant'Ana de Paranaíba: província de Mato Grosso (1828- 1888)

Pós-graduação em História - FCLAS

Desempenho de colhedoras de cana-de-açúcar em função do perfil de carga do motor

Pós-graduação em Agronomia (Ciência do Solo) - FCAV