867 resultados para Security, International


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This paper presents the security evaluation, energy consumption optimization, and spectrum scarcity analysis of artificial noise techniques to increase physical-layer security in Cognitive Wireless Sensor Networks (CWSNs). These techniques introduce noise into the spectrum in order to hide real information. Nevertheless, they directly affect two important parameters in Cognitive Wireless Sensor Networks (CWSNs), energy consumption and spectrum utilization. Both are affected because the number of packets transmitted by the network and the active period of the nodes increase. Security evaluation demonstrates that these techniques are effective against eavesdropper attacks, but also optimization allows for the implementation of these approaches in low-resource networks such as Cognitive Wireless Sensor Networks. In this work, the scenario is formally modeled and the optimization according to the simulation results and the impact analysis over the frequency spectrum are presented.

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La cuestión principal abordada en esta tesis doctoral es la mejora de los sistemas biométricos de reconocimiento de personas a partir de la voz, proponiendo el uso de una nueva parametrización, que hemos denominado parametrización biométrica extendida dependiente de género (GDEBP en sus siglas en inglés). No se propone una ruptura completa respecto a los parámetros clásicos sino una nueva forma de utilizarlos y complementarlos. En concreto, proponemos el uso de parámetros diferentes dependiendo del género del locutor, ya que como es bien sabido, la voz masculina y femenina presentan características diferentes que deberán modelarse, por tanto, de diferente manera. Además complementamos los parámetros clásicos utilizados (MFFC extraídos de la señal de voz), con un nuevo conjunto de parámetros extraídos a partir de la deconstrucción de la señal de voz en sus componentes de fuente glótica (más relacionada con el proceso y órganos de fonación y por tanto con características físicas del locutor) y de tracto vocal (más relacionada con la articulación acústica y por tanto con el mensaje emitido). Para verificar la validez de esta propuesta se plantean diversos escenarios, utilizando diferentes bases de datos, para validar que la GDEBP permite generar una descripción más precisa de los locutores que los parámetros MFCC clásicos independientes del género. En concreto se plantean diferentes escenarios de identificación sobre texto restringido y texto independiente utilizando las bases de datos de HESPERIA y ALBAYZIN. El trabajo también se completa con la participación en dos competiciones internacionales de reconocimiento de locutor, NIST SRE (2010 y 2012) y MOBIO 2013. En el primer caso debido a la naturaleza de las bases de datos utilizadas se obtuvieron resultados cercanos al estado del arte, mientras que en el segundo de los casos el sistema presentado obtuvo la mejor tasa de reconocimiento para locutores femeninos. A pesar de que el objetivo principal de esta tesis no es el estudio de sistemas de clasificación, sí ha sido necesario analizar el rendimiento de diferentes sistemas de clasificación, para ver el rendimiento de la parametrización propuesta. En concreto, se ha abordado el uso de sistemas de reconocimiento basados en el paradigma GMM-UBM, supervectores e i-vectors. Los resultados que se presentan confirman que la utilización de características que permitan describir los locutores de manera más precisa es en cierto modo más importante que la elección del sistema de clasificación utilizado por el sistema. En este sentido la parametrización propuesta supone un paso adelante en la mejora de los sistemas de reconocimiento biométrico de personas por la voz, ya que incluso con sistemas de clasificación relativamente simples se consiguen tasas de reconocimiento realmente competitivas. ABSTRACT The main question addressed in this thesis is the improvement of automatic speaker recognition systems, by the introduction of a new front-end module that we have called Gender Dependent Extended Biometric Parameterisation (GDEBP). This front-end do not constitute a complete break with respect to classical parameterisation techniques used in speaker recognition but a new way to obtain these parameters while introducing some complementary ones. Specifically, we propose a gender-dependent parameterisation, since as it is well known male and female voices have different characteristic, and therefore the use of different parameters to model these distinguishing characteristics should provide a better characterisation of speakers. Additionally, we propose the introduction of a new set of biometric parameters extracted from the components which result from the deconstruction of the voice into its glottal source estimate (close related to the phonation process and the involved organs, and therefore the physical characteristics of the speaker) and vocal tract estimate (close related to acoustic articulation and therefore to the spoken message). These biometric parameters constitute a complement to the classical MFCC extracted from the power spectral density of speech as a whole. In order to check the validity of this proposal we establish different practical scenarios, using different databases, so we can conclude that a GDEBP generates a more accurate description of speakers than classical approaches based on gender-independent MFCC. Specifically, we propose scenarios based on text-constrain and text-independent test using HESPERIA and ALBAYZIN databases. This work is also completed with the participation in two international speaker recognition evaluations: NIST SRE (2010 and 2012) and MOBIO 2013, with diverse results. In the first case, due to the nature of the NIST databases, we obtain results closed to state-of-the-art although confirming our hypothesis, whereas in the MOBIO SRE we obtain the best simple system performance for female speakers. Although the study of classification systems is beyond the scope of this thesis, we found it necessary to analise the performance of different classification systems, in order to verify the effect of them on the propose parameterisation. In particular, we have addressed the use of speaker recognition systems based on the GMM-UBM paradigm, supervectors and i-vectors. The presented results confirm that the selection of a set of parameters that allows for a more accurate description of the speakers is as important as the selection of the classification method used by the biometric system. In this sense, the proposed parameterisation constitutes a step forward in improving speaker recognition systems, since even when using relatively simple classification systems, really competitive recognition rates are achieved.

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The international community has expressed a renewed interest in small scale agriculture and the role it plays in long-term food security in the face of climate change and population growth. This interest has led to a new development paradigm in which small scale producers are being brought into the global market. Undoubtedly, small scale agriculture should be pursued as a sustainable form of development which can contribute to poverty alleviation, environmental stewardship, and the preservation of genetic diversity. These unique contributions are inherently threatened by a system captured in the idea of the neoliberal food regime. The ability of small scale agriculture to uphold the goals of food security are dependent on recognition and preservation of these contributions.

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In today's internet world, web browsers are an integral part of our day-to-day activities. Therefore, web browser security is a serious concern for all of us. Browsers can be breached in different ways. Because of the over privileged access, extensions are responsible for many security issues. Browser vendors try to keep safe extensions in their official extension galleries. However, their security control measures are not always effective and adequate. The distribution of unsafe extensions through different social engineering techniques is also a very common practice. Therefore, before installation, users should thoroughly analyze the security of browser extensions. Extensions are not only available for desktop browsers, but many mobile browsers, for example, Firefox for Android and UC browser for Android, are also furnished with extension features. Mobile devices have various resource constraints in terms of computational capabilities, power, network bandwidth, etc. Hence, conventional extension security analysis techniques cannot be efficiently used by end users to examine mobile browser extension security issues. To overcome the inadequacies of the existing approaches, we propose CLOUBEX, a CLOUd-based security analysis framework for both desktop and mobile Browser EXtensions. This framework uses a client-server architecture model. In this framework, compute-intensive security analysis tasks are generally executed in a high-speed computing server hosted in a cloud environment. CLOUBEX is also enriched with a number of essential features, such as client-side analysis, requirements-driven analysis, high performance, and dynamic decision making. At present, the Firefox extension ecosystem is most susceptible to different security attacks. Hence, the framework is implemented for the security analysis of the Firefox desktop and Firefox for Android mobile browser extensions. A static taint analysis is used to identify malicious information flows in the Firefox extensions. In CLOUBEX, there are three analysis modes. A dynamic decision making algorithm assists us to select the best option based on some important parameters, such as the processing speed of a client device and network connection speed. Using the best analysis mode, performance and power consumption are improved significantly. In the future, this framework can be leveraged for the security analysis of other desktop and mobile browser extensions, too.

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From climate change over peak oil to the geopolitical scramble for the Arctic, there are ample signs that a global energy crisis is unfolding. The sheer scale and urgency of this looming crisis calls for international coordination. Yet, even a cursory look at the existing international energy institutions leads to a sobering conclusion: the global energy governance architecture is weak, fragmented and incomplete. This policy brief discusses both the flaws in the multilateral energy architecture and some emerging ideas to strengthen it, such as the proposal for a Sustainable Energy Trade Agreement and the new American disclosure rules for the extractive sector.

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This study analyses the current picture and prospects for EU–Brazil relations in the political and security arenas. As actors experiencing relevant changes, albeit in different directions in their respective international status quo, the EU and Brazil have found some common ground for convergence at the macro level on some structural issues, such as the normative framework of a changing global order, the striving for a multipolar world and the relevance and desirability of multilateralism. At the same time, it is argued that they differ significantly as to the strategies pursued in the attainment of those shared interests, resulting in competing, or eventually divergent, policy preferences when addressing specific issues and developments at the international level, limiting the prospects for a deep mutual commitment and engagement in political and security dynamics at the global level.

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The question of energy security of the European Union (EU) has come high on the European political agenda since the mid-2000s as developments in the international energy sector have increasingly been perceived as a threat by the EU institutions and by the Member State governments. The externalisation of the EU’s internal energy market has in that context been presented as a means to ensure energy security. This approach, which can be called ‘post-modern’ with reference to Robert Cooper’s division of the world into different ‘ages’,1 however, shows insufficiencies in terms of energy security as a number of EU energy partners belonging to the ‘modern’ world do not accept to play the same rules. This consequently poses the questions of the relevance of the market-based approach and of the need for alternative solutions. This paper therefore argues that the market-based approach, based on the liberalisation of the European energy market, needs to be complemented by a geopolitical approach to ensure the security of the EU’s energy supplies. Such a geopolitical approach, however, still faces important challenges.

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In July 2011, the European Commission published a Communication aimed at setting out different options for establishing a European terrorist finance tracking system (TFTS). The Communication followed the adoption of the EU-US agreement on the US Terrorist Finance Tracking Program (TFTP) in 2010. The agreement concluded various series of national, European and transatlantic negotiations after the disclosure through public media of the US TFTP in 2006. This paper takes stock of the wide range of controversies surrounding this security-focused programme with dataveillance capabilities. After stressing the impact of the US TFTP on international relations, the paper argues that the EU-US agreement primarily has the effect of shifting information-sharing practices from the justice/judicial/penal/criminal investigation framework into the security/intelligence/administrative/prevention context as the main rationale. The paper then questions the TFTP-related conception of mass intelligence through large-scale databases and transnational communication of bulk data in the name of targeted surveillance. Following an examination of the project creating an EU system equivalent to the TFTP, the paper emphasises the fundamental paradox of transatlantic security matters, in which European criticism of American programmes tends to be ultimately translated into EU imitation of US dataveillance practices.

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In an age of major power shifts, which we know from history always to be particularly dangerous, different scenarios are possible; the only promising one is that of more and well-structured international cooperation. Yet, critical voices point at a drifting apart of longstanding allies. Recalibrating CSDPNATO relations has become more important than ever.

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As the US and its allies France and Turkey dither over whether or not to punish Assad for having used sarin gas to kill his own people, the crucial question is: What response might the outside world legally take without the authority of the UN Security Council, which remains blocked by two veto-wielding members, Russia and China? Sadly, international law provides no clear-cut answers to this dilemma. To respond to what US Secretary of State John Kerry has rightly called a “moral obscenity”, this commentary explores ways in which formal interpretations of international law might give way to a more pragmatic approach to punish the Assad regime for its use of chemical weapons.

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From the Introduction. The study of the European Court of Justice’s (ECJ) case law of the regarding the Area of Freedom Security and Justice (AFSJ) is fascinating in many ways.1 First, almost the totality of the relevant case law is extremely recent, thereby marking the first ‘foundational’ steps in this field of law. This is the result of the fact that the AFSJ was set up by the Treaty of Amsterdam in 1997 and only entered into force in May 1999.2 Second, as the AFSJ is a new field of EU competence, it sets afresh all the fundamental questions – both political and legal – triggered by European integration, namely in terms of: a) distribution of powers between the Union and its member states, b) attribution of competences between the various EU Institutions, c) direct effect and supremacy of EU rules, d) scope of competence of the ECJ, and e) measure of the protection given to fundamental rights. The above questions beg for answers which should take into account both the extremely sensible fields of law upon which the AFSJ is anchored, and the EU’s highly inconvenient three-pillar institutional framework.3 Third, and as a consequence of the above, the vast majority of the ECJ’s judgments relating to the AFSJ are a) delivered by the Full Court or, at least, the Grand Chamber, b) with the intervention of great many member states and c) often obscure in content. This is due to the fact that the Court is called upon to set the foundational rules in a new field of EU law, often trying to accommodate divergent considerations, not all of which are strictly legal.4 Fourth, the case law of the Court relating to the AFSJ, touches upon a vast variety of topics which are not necessarily related to one another. This is why it is essential to limit the scope of this study. The content of, and steering for, the AFSJ were given by the Tampere European Council, in October 1999. According to the Tampere Conclusions, the AFSJ should consist of four key elements: a) a common immigration and asylum policy, b) judicial cooperation in both civil and penal matters, c) action against criminality and d) external action of the EU in all the above fields. Moreover, the AFSJ is to a large extent based on the Schengen acquis. The latter has been ‘communautarised’5 by the Treaty of Amsterdam and further ‘ventilated’ between the first and third pillars by decisions 1999/435 and 1999/436.6 Judicial cooperation in civil matters, mainly by means of international conventions (such as the Rome Convention of 1981 on the law applicable to contractual obligations) and regulations (such as (EC) 44/20017 and (EC) 1348/20008) also form part of the AFSJ. However, the relevant case law of the ECJ will not be examined in the present contribution.9 Similarly, the judgments of the Court delivered in the course of Article 226 EC proceedings against member states, will be omitted.10 Even after setting aside the above case law and notwithstanding the fact that the AFSJ only dates as far back as May 1999, the judgments of the ECJ are numerous. A simple (if not simplistic) categorisation may be between, on the one hand, judgments which concern the institutional setting of the AFSJ (para. 2) and, on the other, judgments which are related to some substantive AFSJ policy (para. 3).

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From the Introduction. This article seeks to examine the relationship between European Union law, international law, and the protection of fundamental rights in the light of recent case law of the European Court of Justice (ECJ) and the Court of First Instance (CFI) relating to economic sanctions against individuals. On 3 September 2008, the ECJ delivered its long-awaited judgment in Kadi and Al Barakaat on appeal from the CFI.3 In its judgment under appeal,4 the CFI had held that the European Community (EC) is competent to adopt regulations imposing economic sanctions against private organisations in pursuance of UN Security Council (UNSC) Resolutions seeking to combat terrorism; that although the EC is not bound directly by the UN Charter, it is bound pursuant to the EC Treaty to respect international law and give effect to UNSC; and that the CFI has jurisdiction to examine the compatibility of EC regulations implementing UNSC resolutions with fundamental rights not as protected by the EC but as protected by jus cogens. On appeal, following the Opinion of Maduro AG, the ECJ rejected the CFI’s approach. It held that UNSC resolutions are binding only in international law. It subjected the contested regulations to full review under EC human rights standards and found them in breach of the right to a hearing, the right to judicial protection and the right to property. Kadi and Al Barakaat is the most important judgment ever delivered by the ECJ on the relationship between EC and international law and one of its most important judgments on fundamental rights. It is imbued by constitutional confidence, commitment to the rule of law but also some scepticism towards international law. In the meantime, the CFI has delivered a number of other judgments on anti-terrorist sanctions assessing the limits of the “emergency constitution” at European level. The purpose of this paper is to examine the above case law and explore the dilemmas and tensions facing the EU judiciary in seeking to define and protect the EU’s distinct constitutional space. It is divided as follows. It first looks at the judgment in Kadi. After a short presentation of the factual and legal background, it explores the question whether the EU has competence to adopt smart sanctions. It then examines whether the EU is bound by resolutions of the Security Council, whether the ECJ has jurisdiction to review Community measures implementing such resolutions and the applicable standard of judicial scrutiny. It analyses the contrasting views of the CFI, the Advocate General, and the ECJ taking account also of the case law of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR). Further, it explores the consequences of annulling the contested regulation. It then turns to discussing CFI case law in relation to sanctions lists drawn up not by the UN Security Council but by the EC. The paper concludes by welcoming the judgment of the ECJ. Whilst its reasoning on the issue of Community competence is questionable, once such competence is established, it is difficult to support the abrogation of Community standards for the protection of fundamental rights. Such standards should ensure procedural due process whilst recognising the importance of public security.

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From the Introduction. In the USA, the debate is still ongoing as to whether and to what extent the Supreme Court could or should refer to foreign precedent, in particular in relation to constitutional matters such as the death penalty.1 In the EU, in particular the recent Kadi case of 20082 has triggered much controversy,3 thereby highlighting the opposite angle to a similar discussion. The focus of attention in Europe is namely to what extent the European Court of Justice (hereafter “ECJ”) could lawfully and rightfully refuse to plainly ‘surrender’ or to subordinate the EC legal system to UN law and obligations when dealing with human rights issues. This question becomes all the more pertinent in view of the fact that in the past the ECJ has been rather receptive and constructive in forging interconnectivity between the EC legal order and international law developments. A bench mark in that respect was undoubtedly the Racke case of 1998,4 where the ECJ spelled out the necessity for the EC to respect international law with direct reference to a ruling of the International Court of Justice. This judgment which was rendered 10 years earlier than Kadi equally concerned EC/EU economic sanctions taken in implementation of UN Security Council Resolutions. A major question is therefore whether it is at all possible, and if so to determine how, to reconcile those apparently conflicting judgments.

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Mémoire récipiendaire de la mention "Excellent", avec les félicitations du jury.

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In the wake of the disclosures surrounding PRISM and other US surveillance programmes, this paper assesses the large-scale surveillance practices by a selection of EU member states: the UK, Sweden, France, Germany and the Netherlands. Given the large-scale nature of these practices, which represent a reconfiguration of traditional intelligence gathering, the paper contends that an analysis of European surveillance programmes cannot be reduced to a question of the balance between data protection versus national security, but has to be framed in terms of collective freedoms and democracy. It finds that four of the five EU member states selected for in-depth examination are engaging in some form of large-scale interception and surveillance of communication data, and identifies parallels and discrepancies between these programmes and the NSA-run operations. The paper argues that these programmes do not stand outside the realm of EU intervention but can be analysed from an EU law perspective via i) an understanding of national security in a democratic rule of law framework where fundamental human rights and judicial oversight constitute key norms; ii) the risks posed to the internal security of the Union as a whole as well as the privacy of EU citizens as data owners and iii) the potential spillover into the activities and responsibilities of EU agencies. The paper then presents a set of policy recommendations to the European Parliament.