Youth and social cohesion in Ibero-America: a model in the making. Summary

Includes bibliography

Sentido de pertenencia en sociedades fragmentadas: América Latina desde una perspectiva global

Prefacio de la Sra. Alicia Bárcena

A construção da nação arco-íris: problematizando o quesito raça/cor (1936-1960)

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Heterogeneous ethnic distribution of the factor V leiden mutation

Inherited resistance to activated protein C caused by the factor V Leiden (FVL) mutation is the most common genetic cause of venous thrombosis yet described, being found in 20-60% of patients with venous thrombophilia. A relationship between the FVL mutation and an increased predisposition to arterial thrombosis in young women was recently reported. We assessed the prevalence of the FVL mutation in 440 individuals (880 chromosomes) belonging to four different ethnic groups: Caucasians, African Blacks, Asians and Amerindians. PCR amplification followed by MnlI digestion was employed to define the genotype. The FVL mutation was found in a heterozygous state in four out of 152 Whites (2.6%), one out of 151 Amerindians (0.6%), and was absent among 97 African Blacks and 40 Asians. Our results confirm that FVL has a heterogeneous distribution in different human populations, a fact that may contribute to geographic and ethnic differences in the prevalence of thrombotic diseases. In addition, these data may be helpful in decisions regarding the usefulness of screening for the FVL mutation in subjects at risk for thrombosis.

As políticas educacionais do Brasil: a (in)visibilidade da sexualidade e das relações de gênero

The present study, theoretical, aims to talk about educational policies in Brazil, aiming to unveil what they say these policies, the legitimacy and visibility that give coverage of sexuality in schools. Both sexuality and gender relations have gained attention in a Brazilian educational research in the mid-90th century. These policies have been the National Curricular Parameters (PCN). They present the cross-cutting themes: ethics, health, environment, cultural diversity and sexual orientation, which should be integrated into conventional areas of the school said. Another document of this same decade of education is the National Education Plan (PNE), however this encompasses so hidden sexuality and gender relations. In fact, both the new Law of Directives and Bases (LDB), the PNE in these subjects are veiled. An interesting initiative is happening in Brazil is the project Gender and Sexual Diversity (GDE) for the training of professionals in education issues of gender, sexuality and sexual orientation and ethnic-racial relations, is entering the national perspective of implementation public policy of equality and respect for diversity. However, much remains to be done thinking about the effectiveness of public policies that are effective with respect to space and visibility for the treatment of sexuality. We must also articulate the integration of these themes in these policies, strategies to raise awareness of education professionals in order to secure that they are actually implemented.

Advances in primary immunodeficiency diseases in Latin America: epidemiology, research, and perspectives

Primary immunodeficiencies (PIDs) are genetic disorders of the immune system comprising many different phenotypes. Although previously considered rare, recent advances in their clinical, epidemiological, and molecular definitions are revealing how much we still need to learn about them. For example, geographical and ethnic variations as well as the impact of certain practices influence their frequency and presentation, making it necessary to consider their study in terms of regions. The Latin American Society for Immunodeficiencies was established as an organization dedicated to provide scientific support for basic and clinical research and to develop tools and educational resources to promote awareness in the medical community. Initiatives such as these are positively influencing the way PIDs are tackled in these countries, as shown by recent reports and publications. This paper provides a historical compilation and a current view of the many issues faced by scientists studying these diseases in these countries, highlighting the diverse scientific contributions and offering a promising perspective for the further developments in this field in Latin America.

Welfare provision in Sweden and the dominant position of the Sap

There have been almost fifty years since Harry Eckstein' s classic monograph, A Theory of Stable Democracy (Princeton, 1961), where he sketched out the basic tenets of the “congruence theory”, which was to become one of the most important and innovative contributions to understanding democratic rule. His next work, Division and Cohesion in Democracy, (Princeton University Press: 1966) is designed to serve as a plausibility probe for this 'theory' (ftn.) and is a case study of a Northern democratic system, Norway. What is more, this line of his work best exemplifies the contribution Eckstein brought to the methodology of comparative politics through his seminal article, “ “Case Study and Theory in Political Science” ” (in Greenstein and Polsby, eds., Handbook of Political Science, 1975), on the importance of the case study as an approach to empirical theory. This article demonstrates the special utility of “crucial case studies” in testing theory, thereby undermining the accepted wisdom in comparative research that the larger the number of cases the better. Although not along the same lines, but shifting the case study unit of research, I intend to take up here the challenge and build upon an equally unique political system, the Swedish one. Bearing in mind the peculiarities of the Swedish political system, my unit of analysis is going to be further restricted to the Swedish Social Democratic Party, the Svenska Arbetare Partiet. However, my research stays within the methodological framework of the case study theory inasmuch as it focuses on a single political system and party. The Swedish SAP endurance in government office and its electoral success throughout half a century (ftn. As of the 1991 election, there were about 56 years - more than half century - of interrupted social democratic "reign" in Sweden.) are undeniably a performance no other Social Democrat party has yet achieved in democratic conditions. Therefore, it is legitimate to inquire about the exceptionality of this unique political power combination. Which were the different components of this dominance power position, which made possible for SAP's governmental office stamina? I will argue here that it was the end-product of a combination of multifarious factors such as a key position in the party system, strong party leadership and organization, a carefully designed strategy regarding class politics and welfare policy. My research is divided into three main parts, the historical incursion, the 'welfare' part and the 'environment' part. The first part is a historical account of the main political events and issues, which are relevant for my case study. Chapter 2 is devoted to the historical events unfolding in the 1920-1960 period: the Saltsjoebaden Agreement, the series of workers' strikes in the 1920s and SAP's inception. It exposes SAP's ascent to power in the mid 1930s and the party's ensuing strategies for winning and keeping political office, that is its economic program and key economic goals. The following chapter - chapter 3 - explores the next period, i.e. the period from 1960s to 1990s and covers the party's troubled political times, its peak and the beginnings of the decline. The 1960s are relevant for SAP's planning of a long term economic strategy - the Rehn Meidner model, a new way of macroeconomic steering, based on the Keynesian model, but adapted to the new economic realities of welfare capitalist societies. The second and third parts of this study develop several hypotheses related to SAP's 'dominant position' (endurance in politics and in office) and test them afterwards. Mainly, the twin issues of economics and environment are raised and their political relevance for the party analyzed. On one hand, globalization and its spillover effects over the Swedish welfare system are important causal factors in explaining the transformative social-economic challenges the party had to put up with. On the other hand, Europeanization and environmental change influenced to a great deal SAP's foreign policy choices and its domestic electoral strategies. The implications of globalization on the Swedish welfare system will make the subject of two chapters - chapters four and five, respectively, whereupon the Europeanization consequences will be treated at length in the third part of this work - chapters six and seven, respectively. Apparently, at first sight, the link between foreign policy and electoral strategy is difficult to prove and uncanny, in the least. However, in the SAP's case there is a bulk of literature and public opinion statistical data able to show that governmental domestic policy and party politics are in a tight dependence to foreign policy decisions and sovereignty issues. Again, these country characteristics and peculiar causal relationships are outlined in the first chapters and explained in the second and third parts. The sixth chapter explores the presupposed relationship between Europeanization and environmental policy, on one hand, and SAP's environmental policy formulation and simultaneous agenda-setting at the international level, on the other hand. This chapter describes Swedish leadership in environmental policy formulation on two simultaneous fronts and across two different time spans. The last chapter, chapter eight - while trying to develop a conclusion, explores the alternative theories plausible in explaining the outlined hypotheses and points out the reasons why these theories do not fit as valid alternative explanation to my systemic corporatism thesis as the main causal factor determining SAP's 'dominant position'. Among the alternative theories, I would consider Traedgaardh L. and Bo Rothstein's historical exceptionalism thesis and the public opinion thesis, which alone are not able to explain the half century social democratic endurance in government in the Swedish case.

Ghana@50 – celebrating the nation: an eyewitness account from Accra /// Arbeitspapiere / Institut für Ethnologie und Afrikastudien ; 83

This article offers an account of the 50th Ghanaian independence-day celebrations during March 2007. The multi-perspective approach examines how celebrations were experienced in the Ghanaian capital Accra by the political elite and the grass roots at a variety of official and unofficial events that took place on 5 and 6 March 2007. During the festivities the authors accompanied Ghanaian friends from different political factions and thus provide close-hand accounts of political controversies over issues regarding how the nation ought to organise and celebrate its Independence Day, controversies which provide important insights into Ghanaian political culture. From this it is clear that the celebrations not only serve as expressions of national pride but also moments of critical reflection on the nation, national values and socio-political unity. These reflections, manifest as disputes about national and ethnic symbols, centre on the conditions and limits of political, social, ethnic and regional inclusiveness. At the same time, underlying such disputes are commonalities resting not on substantive symbols, cultural traits or other objectifiable characteristics, but on a Ghanaian consensus to agree on the issues at stake and on the rules of debate. Controversy thus functions not to divide but rather to strengthen national consciousness and deepen a sense of commonality that Ghanaians generally express as their commitment to ‘unity in diversity’.

"Unser Volk ist vereint, unser Land unabhängig" - zum Umgang mit nationalen Identitätsmodellen im postsowjetischen Kasachstan

Für alle fünf zentralasiatischen Teilrepubliken kam der Zusammenbruch der Sowjetunion im Jahr 1991 relativ plötzlich und eher unerwartet. Der Prozess der „Transformation“ beinhaltete für die neu entstandenen Staaten nun nicht nur die Umstellung politischer und wirtschaftlicher Systeme, sondern ebenso die Organisation von Erinnerung und die Konstruktion von Identität, bei der die staatliche Nationalisierungspolitik oft Paradebeispiele von invented traditions her-vorbrachte. rnIn Kasachstan, dem Land, das während der Sowjetzeit am stärksten russifiziert wurde und heute offiziell 120 Minderheiten zählt, stellt sich dabei die Frage, wie nationale Identitätsmus-ter konstruiert werden und wie Politik. Medien und Bevölkerung damit umgehen. Zwanzig Jahre nach der Unabhängigkeitserklärung des Landes und einer Phase, in der die Regierung mit einer Vielzahl von Maßnahmen versucht, den Identitätsfindungsprozess zu steuern, wurde im Rahmen dieser Arbeit erstmals eine empirische Studie zu der Frage durchgeführt, welche Bedeutungen bestimmte Identitätskonzepte für die lokale Bevölkerung haben. Während meh-rerer Forschungsaufenthalte von insgesamt vier Monaten in den Jahren 2010 und 2011 wurden in Hinblick auf die Fragestellung leitfadenorientierte Interviews und informelle Gespräche mit Teilen der kasachstanischen Bevölkerung geführt, teilnehmende Beobachtung, zwei Fragebo-genaktionen und eine Zeitungsanalyse durchgeführt sowie wissenschaftliche Studien und poli-tische Dokumente analysiert.rnDie Arbeit kommt zu dem Ergebnis, dass die Mehrheit der Befragten sich mehr oder weniger stark entweder über die Staatsbürgerschaft oder die ethnische Zugehörigkeit zur Titularnation mit dem Staat identifiziert. Auffällig ist die Bedeutung regionaler Identitäten für die Befrag-ten, die weder in der nationalen Identitätspolitik noch in der wissenschaftlichen Literatur von Wichtigkeit sind. Ethnische und religiöse Nivellierungen scheinen im Alltagsleben belanglos zu sein, aber in bestimmten anderen Kontexten eine entscheidende Rolle zu spielen. Starke Unterschiede in der Bedeutung verschiedener Identitätsmodelle lassen sich zwischen Stadt- und Landbevölkerung beziehungsweise zwischen sowjetisierten und nach der Wende repatri-ierten Kasachen ausmachen.rnEs ist anzunehmen, dass die Regierung der entscheidende Agent in der Identitätsfindung des Landes ist. Unter den Befragten zeigte sich, dass Identitätspolitik auf der pragmatischen Ebe-ne, beispielsweise in der Anerkennung von Russisch und Kasachisch als Staatssprachen, er-folgreicher ist als auf der emotionalen. rn

"Who Fears Death" di Nnedi Okorafor, una proposta di traduzione

This dissertaton deals with the translation of selected chapters from Nnedi Okorafor’s novel Who Fears Death. The novel, set in a post-apocalyptic Africa ravaged by inter-ethnic violence, narrates the tale of Onyesonwu, an Ewu, a half-breed born of rape, facing the rejection of her community. Growing up Onyesonwu realizes that the color of her skin is not the only thing that sets her apart from the other inhabitants of Jwahir, as she starts to manifest magical powers, and during an unintentional visit to the spirit realms she finds out that her biological father, a very powerful sorcerer, wants to kill her. At this point the only option left to her is to learn the secret arts of magic under the guidance of Aro, the sorcerer, and then embark on a journey to put and end to the menace posed by her biological father, stop the massacres between the Okeke and Nuru people, and rewrite history. This work is structured in five chapters. The first presents a brief retelling of the author’s life and works. The second chapter constitutes the theoretical frame according to which the novel will be described, and illustrates an analysis on the function of sci-fi literature. The third chapter introduces the novel itself, dealing with its setting and cultural peculiarities, the literary genre to which it belongs, and analysing the themes deemed most relevant, among which the racial and gender issues. The fourth chapter consists of the translation of some chapters from the novel Who Fears Death, and the fifth of a comment on the translation, presenting both a textual analysis, and notes on the choices deemed most interesting or challenging in a translation process perspective.

Men's Modesty, Religion, and the State: Spaces of Collision

This article examines religious practices in the United States, which govern modesty and other dress norms for men. I focus both on the spaces within which they most collide with regulatory regimes of the state and the legal implications of these norms, particularly for observant Muslim men. Undergirding the research are those ‘‘gender equality’’ claims made by many religious adherents, that men are required to maintain proper modesty norms just as are women. Also undergirding the research is the extensive anti-Islam bias in American culture today. The spaces within which men’s religiously proscribed dress and grooming norms are most at issue—indicated by First Amendment legal challenges to rights of religious practice—are primarily those state-controlled, total institutions Goffman describes, such as in the military and prisons. The implications of gendered modesty norms are important, as state control over religious expression in prisons, for example, is much more difficult to contest than in other spaces, although this depends entirely on who is doing the contesting and within which religious context. In American society today—and particularly within the context of growing Islamaphobia following the 9/11 attacks—the implications are greatest for those men practicing ‘‘prison Islam.’’

Stratified Boston: The Brahmins, the Irish and the Boston Police Strike of 1919

This thesis explores the Boston Police Strike of 1919 through the lens of class struggle and ethnic tension. Through an examination of the development of Boston’s class structure, particularly focused on the upper class Brahmins and the Irish working class, it concludes that the Brahmins’ success in suppressing the police strikeallowed for their maintenance of socioeconomic power within the city despite their relatively small population. Based on their extreme class cohesion resulting from the growing prominence of Harvard University as well as the Brahmins’ unabashed discrimination against their ethnic neighbors in almost every sphere of society, theBrahmins were able to maintain their power in Boston’s cultural world. The Irish working class, on the other hand, which attempted to use the increasing popularity of public and police unionization to challenge the status and power of the Brahmins through the creation of the Boston Police Union and subsequently through the notorious Boston Police Strike of 1919 was ultimately unsuccessful, and it was left in the same position in which it started, at the bottom of the social ladder. The suppression of the strike by members of the upper class and their allies, particularly those in high government positions, served to preserve and affirm the socioeconomic power of the Brahmins over much of Boston society and brought the era of public police unionization to a close.