Infraestrutura Urbana e Desigualdade Socioespacial na Cidade de Salvador - Bahia

Pós-graduação em Geografia - IGCE

Infraestrutura Urbana e Desigualdade Socioespacial na Cidade de Salvador - Bahia

Pós-graduação em Geografia - IGCE

Effects of consequenses on patterns of interlocked contingencies; A replication of a metacontingency experiment

The concept of metacontingency was taught to undergraduate students of Psychology by using a "game" simulation proposed originally by Vichi, Andery and Glenn (2009). Twenty-five students, distributed into three groups were exposed to six experimental sessions in which they had to make bets and divide the amounts gained. The three groups competed against each other for photocopies quotas. Two contingencies shifted over the sessions. Under Contingency B, the group would win points only if in the previous round each member had received the same amount of points and under Contingency A, winning was contingent on an unequal distribution of the points. We observed that proportional divisions predominated independent of the contingency in course. The manipulation of cultural consequences (winning or losing points) produced consistent modifications in two response categories: 1) choices of the value bet in each round, and 2) divisions of the points among group members. Controlling relations between cultural consequences and the behavior of dividing were statistically significant in one of the groups, whereas in the other two groups controlling relations were observed only in Contingency B. A review of the reinforcement criteria used in the original experiment is suggested.

Representação política, representação de grupos e política de cotas: perspectivas e contendas feministas

Este artigo foca no debate sobre representação política, representação especial de grupos e política de cotas com o objetivo de destacar os seus argumentos principais e mais controversos, explorando suas inconsistências, problematizando-os e estabelecendo um diálogo entre eles. Será considerado até que ponto o argumento por maior inclusão de membros de grupos sociais não hegemônicos em processos político-decisórios, através de mecanismos como as cotas, pode ser justificado desde uma perspectiva normativa. Dado o caráter polêmico do conceito de representação política e da noção de identidades e interesses de grupos, em que se justificaria essa demanda? Esta discussão será conduzida a partir de uma análise sobre o conceito de representação política, da noção de interesses, identidades e perspectivas de grupos, e de uma análise sobre os principais argumentos apresentados a favor das cotas e contra elas. O artigo foca na representação política das mulheres, estabelecendo assim um diálogo permanente com e entre perspectivas feministas.

Questões controvertidas sobre a responsabilidade do sócio e do ex-sócio no processo do trabalho

O presente estudo objetiva traçar um panorama atual sobre a responsabilidade subsidiária dos sócios nas hipóteses em que, em fase de execução no processo do trabalho, os bens da pessoa jurídica sejam insuficientes para satisfação dos créditos. A matéria propriamente dita nada tem de nova, remontando aos primeiros decretos que regulamentavam as sociedades por quotas de responsabilidade limitada, passando pelo Código Civil de 1916 e de 2002. Todavia, o estudo procurará demonstrar que, aos poucos, foi sendo abandonada a exigência de comprovação dos amplos poderes de mando e gestão do sócio, ou seu exercício abusivo, assim como foi aumentando simultaneamente a preocupação com a figura dos ex-sócios, objeto de investigação especial no presente trabalho. O artigo sustentará a tese de que essa maior liberdade na interpretação da responsabilidade de sócios e ex-sócios se deve, sobretudo, (a) à promiscuidade patrimonial verificada entre pessoas jurídicas e pessoas naturais, na sociedade brasileira, (b) às altíssimas taxas de encerramento das pessoas jurídicas logo no primeiro ou no segundo ano de existência e (c) à elevada rotatividade de sócios nos estatutos da empresa.

Social and Political Issues and the Finnish Deportees from North America

An important issue in both Canadian and United States immigration history has been the control of immigration, which includes possible quotas, immigration laws as well as denying entry, and finally, the deportation of immigrants. This paper is based on information that is available on the deportations of 167 people, most of them young adult males. Many assume politics was a key motivation for deportation. However, Finnish Americans were rarely deported for political activities. The paper discusses a few interesting cases of political deportations both during the interwar years, and after the Second World War. The information is mostly based on the correspondence between the authorities in Finland and the United States and Canada, available at the Foreign Ministry Archives in Helsinki, Finland. Special attention is directed to the social and political background of those people and of special interest are the specific reasons, social or health problems, which seem to be the basis of most deportation decisions.

Enquiry into the Notion of Cultural Protectionism in the Media and its Dimensions in Cyberspace

Cultural protectionism has been an element of national and foreign policies, as an extension of state sovereignty expressed both in a defensive and offensive manner. While the generic protectionist formula in the sense of restraining trade between states through measures such as import tariffs or quotas and through privileging domestic production has somewhat disintegrated over time under the rationale for free trade and the strong practical evidence of its benefits, the particular case of cultural protectionism has persevered. As we reveal in this paper, however, it has been modified, or at least its rhetoric has changed. The enquiry into the notion of cultural protectionism or cultural diversity, as the current political jargon would have it, is but one of the paper’s objectives. Its second and certainly more ambitious goal is the search for the normative dimensions of cultural diversity policies in the global digital space, asking what adjustments are needed and how feasible the entire project of diversity regulation in this environment may be. Taking into account the specificities of cyberspace and in a forward-looking manner, we propose some adjustments to current media policy practices that could better serve the goal of a sustainably diverse cultural environment.

The Politics of Local Autonomy: Measuring Cantonal (De)Centralisation in Switzerland

In Switzerland, there are 26 systems of cantonal decentralisation because regulating municipal autonomy is an exclusively cantonal competency. Existing measures of local autonomy/cantonal decentralisation are confined to measuring the real or perceived distribution of functions. Alternatively, they weigh expenditures (Dafflon 1992) or tax revenues (Dlabac and Schaub forthcoming) of municipalities against those of the canton. Complementing these indices, this paper additionally measures the politics dimension of cantonal decentralisation. Seven aspects are measured: intra-cantonal regionalism, cumuldesmandats (double tenure of cantonal MP and mayoral office), territorial quotas for legislative and executive elections, direct local representation and lobbying, party decentralisation, the number and size of constituencies, and direct democracy (communal referendum and initiative). This results in a ranking of all 26 cantons as regards the politics of local autonomy within their political systems. The measure will help scholars to test assumptions held for decentralisation in general, be it as a dependent (explaining decentralisation) or as an independent variable (decentralisation—so what?), within but also beyond the Swiss context.

Swiss Policies for more Food Security

Resource-poor yet blissful Switzerland is also one of the most food-secure countries in the world: there are abundant food supplies, relatively low retail prices in terms of purchasing power parity, with few poverty traps. Domestic production covers 70% of net domestic consumption. A vast and efficient food reserve scheme insures against import disruptions. Nonetheless, the food security contribution by the four sectoral policies involved is mutually constrained: our agriculture is protected by the world’s highest tariffs. Huge subsidies, surface payments, and some production quotas substitute market signals with rent maximisation. Moreover, these inefficiencies also prevent trade and investment policies which would keep markets open, development policies which would provide African farmers with the tools to become more competitive, and supply policies which would work against speculators. The paralysing effect of Swiss agricultural policies is exacerbated by new “food security subsidies” in the name of “food sovereignty” while two pending people’s initiatives might yet increase the splendid isolation which in effect reduce Swiss farmer competitiveness and global food security. Is there a solution? Absent a successful conclusion of the Doha Round (WTO) or a Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership Agreement (TTIP) further market openings and a consequent “recoupling” of taxpayer support to public goods production remain highly un-likely. To the very minimum Switzerland should resume the agricultural reform process, join other countries trying to prevent predatory behaviour of its investors in developing countries, and regionalise its food reserve.

Anreizformen und Ausschöpfungsquoten bei postalischen Befragungen. Eine Prüfung der Reziprozitätshypothese

Mittels eines Methodenexperiments mit zwei randomisierten Versuchsgruppen (N jeweils 200) und einer Kontrollgruppe (N=200) wird untersucht, ob und in welchem Ausmaß Geschenke bei einer postalischen Befragung zur Erhöhung der Ausschöpfungsquote beitragen. Es zeigt sich, dass ein versprochenes Geschenk (Telefonkarte im Wert von 10 Schweizer Franken) die Ausschöpfungsquote nicht erhöht, während ein dem Fragebogen beigelegtes Geschenk zu einem Anstieg der Quote um zirka 10 Prozentpunkte führt. Die Befunde stehen in Einklang mit der Reziprozitätshypothese, derzufolge Vorleistungen von vielen Personen auch dann honoriert werden, wenn die reziproke Handlung nicht dem unmittelbaren Eigeninteresse eines Akteurs entspricht.

Is breast cancer risk the same for all progestogens?

The population-based case–control study CECILE investigated the impact of various menopausal hormone therapy (MHT) products on breast cancer (BC) risk in 1,555 postmenopausal women [1]. The case group (n = 739) included incident cases of in situ (!) or invasive BC in postmenopausal women. The control group (n = 816) included women from the general population within predefined quotas by age and socio-economic status (SES). While quotas by age were applied to obtain similar distributions by age among controls and among cases, quotas by SES in control women were applied to reflect the distribution by SES of women in the general population in the study area. Data of participants were obtained by a structured questionnaire during in-person interviews, and from pathology reports if applicable, respectively. Women were divided into current and past MHT user. MHTs were classified in estrogen-only therapy (ET), estrogen combined with progestin therapy (EPT) and tibolone. EPT was subdivided in three subtypes according to the progestogen constituent: natural micronized progesterone, progesterone derivatives, and testosterone derivatives. In comparison to never MHT users, any current or past MHT use (ET, EPT, tibolone) was not associated with an increased BC risk. However, in subanalysis BC risk was significantly increased for current use of EPT for 4 or more years (n = 73 cases and n = 56 controls, adjusted OR 1.55; 95 % CI 1.02–2.36). Within the group of current EPT users for 4 or more years, 14 cases had used estrogens combined with micronized progesterone (n = 17 controls), and 55 a combination with a synthetic progestogen (n = 34 controls), respectively. Compared to never MHT use, current use of EPT containing a synthetic progestogen for 4 or more years was associated with a significantly increased BC risk (adjusted OR 2.07; 95 % CI 1.26–3.39), but EPT containing micronized progesterone was not (adjusted OR 0.79; 95 % CI 0.37–1.71). 73 % of current MHT users started treatment within the first year of onset of menopause. Early EPT (n = 52 cases and n = 38 controls, adjusted OR 1.65; 95 % CI 1.02–2.69), but not early ET, starters had a significantly higher BC risk compared to never MHT users. In contrast, MHT initiation beyond 1 year after menopause was not associated with an increased BC risk. The authors concluded that: (1) ET and EPT containing natural progesterone did not increase BC risk whereas, (2) BC risk was increased in users of tibolone or EPT containing a synthetic progestogen, respectively, and that (3) MHT use early after onset of menopause was associated with an increased BC risk as compared to women who delay MHT beyond 1 or more years.

Capturing socially motivated linguistic change. How the use of gender-fair language afffects support for social initiatives in Austria and Poland.

Gender-fair language consists of the symmetric linguistic treatment of women and men instead of using masculine forms as generics. In this study, we examine how the use of gender-fair language affects readers' support for social initiatives in Poland and Austria. While gender-fair language is relatively novel in Poland, it is well established in Austria. This difference may lead to different perceptions of gender-fair usage in these speech communities. Two studies conducted in Poland investigate whether the evaluation of social initiatives (Study 1: quotas for women on election lists; Study 2: support for women students or students from countries troubled by war) is affected by how female proponents (lawyers, psychologists, sociologists, and academics) are referred to, with masculine forms (traditional) or with feminine forms (modern, gender-fair). Study 3 replicates Study 2 in Austria. Our results indicate that in Poland, gender-fair language has negative connotations and therefore, detrimental effects particularly when used in gender-related contexts. Conversely, in Austria, where gender-fair language has been implemented and used for some time, there are no such negative effects. This pattern of results may inform the discussion about formal policies regulating the use of gender-fair language.

Organización territorial, una consecuencia de las ideas de desarrollo de los sistemas de poder

En tanto "espacio apropiado", el territorio no es sólo un soporte destinado a albergar a los grupos humanos y a ofrecer recursos a las actividades económicas, sino también, es una activa matriz de organización de relaciones sociales. A partir de allí, la territorialidad resulta indisociable de las relaciones de poder. Así, las configuraciones territoriales que podemos observar constituyen la resultante de procesos de territorialización y reterritorialización que se definen en el interjuego de diversos actores, quienes participan en la construcción del territorio imponiendo sus objetivos, implementando sus estrategias y, en definitiva, ejerciendo sus respectivas cuotas de poder. Una de las maneras en las que el poder se expresa en el territorio es por medio de los procesos de normalización. Este es el caso de una determinada técnica promovida globalmente por sectores de poder, en la cual subyace una específica noción de desarrollo que es inseminada en el territorio modificando su configuración. Es así como, en términos territoriales, las técnicas ofrecen valiosos indicios para comprender los mecanismos por los cuales el poder teje entramados sociales y materializa espacios. Siguiendo estas líneas argumentales, este trabajo reflexiona acerca de las maneras en las que el poder se expresa en la globalización económica y explora algunas formas en las que interviene en la organización de los territorios.

La organización territorial del movimiento de trabajadores desocupados Aníbal Verón del barrio Malvinas de la ciudad de La Plata

Este trabajo sintetiza los resultados de un estudio de campo realizado en la Organización Territorial del Movimiento de Trabajadores Desocupados Aníbal Verón del Barrio Malvinas de la ciudad de La Plata, entre el mes de Marzo del año 2003 (momento en el cual la Organización Territorial comienza sus actividades en el barrio y se incorpora, paulatinamente, al Movimiento de Trabajadores Desocupados Aníbal Verón) y los primeros meses del año 2005, cuando esta Organización conforma, junto a otras, el Frente Popular Darío Santillán. Los principales temas aquí desarrollados están relacionados, en principio, con la novedosa forma de participación político-comunitaria que insertó esta Organización Territorial en un barrio como Malvinas donde predominaban, desde hacía más de veinte años, formas de participación político-comunitarias de tipo clientelar. Otro de los temas aquí abordados está relacionado con los vínculos existentes entre la Organización Territorial y el Movimiento Regional. En esta trama vincular, se observó un desfasaje entre los criterios y acuerdos propuestos por el movimiento y las prácticas político-comunitarias llevadas adelante por la organización y los vecinos del barrio. Por último, en esta investigación también son centrales los distintos tipos de actores que interpretaban al movimiento de diferente manera. Aquí se observaron diversas formas de actuar, participar y comprometerse. En aquel momento, esto me llevó a proponer el armado de una tipología de participación de la que se desprende que la participación de los integrantes de la Organización Territorial del MTD Aníbal Verón del Barrio Malvinas, entre el año 2003 y 2005 era directa, inestable y complementaria. Lo que hacía que se fuera modificando con el propio devenir de la organización en movimiento. Es un trabajo más bien empírico y se nutrió por un lado, de datos obtenidos de entrevistas y observaciones realizadas para dos proyectos de extensión en los cuales participé y por otro, del trabajo de campo realizado entre el mes de Junio del año 2003 y Marzo del año 2005. El trabajo de campo constó de observaciones participantes y no participantes y, de entrevistas a los integrantes de la organización territorial. Entre el mes de octubre del año 2003 y el mes de enero del año 2004 realicé veinte entrevistas en profundidad. Para su realización se tomaron cuotas por sexo y edad hasta agotar información

La organización territorial del movimiento de trabajadores desocupados Aníbal Verón del barrio Malvinas de la ciudad de La Plata

Este trabajo sintetiza los resultados de un estudio de campo realizado en la Organización Territorial del Movimiento de Trabajadores Desocupados Aníbal Verón del Barrio Malvinas de la ciudad de La Plata, entre el mes de Marzo del año 2003 (momento en el cual la Organización Territorial comienza sus actividades en el barrio y se incorpora, paulatinamente, al Movimiento de Trabajadores Desocupados Aníbal Verón) y los primeros meses del año 2005, cuando esta Organización conforma, junto a otras, el Frente Popular Darío Santillán. Los principales temas aquí desarrollados están relacionados, en principio, con la novedosa forma de participación político-comunitaria que insertó esta Organización Territorial en un barrio como Malvinas donde predominaban, desde hacía más de veinte años, formas de participación político-comunitarias de tipo clientelar. Otro de los temas aquí abordados está relacionado con los vínculos existentes entre la Organización Territorial y el Movimiento Regional. En esta trama vincular, se observó un desfasaje entre los criterios y acuerdos propuestos por el movimiento y las prácticas político-comunitarias llevadas adelante por la organización y los vecinos del barrio. Por último, en esta investigación también son centrales los distintos tipos de actores que interpretaban al movimiento de diferente manera. Aquí se observaron diversas formas de actuar, participar y comprometerse. En aquel momento, esto me llevó a proponer el armado de una tipología de participación de la que se desprende que la participación de los integrantes de la Organización Territorial del MTD Aníbal Verón del Barrio Malvinas, entre el año 2003 y 2005 era directa, inestable y complementaria. Lo que hacía que se fuera modificando con el propio devenir de la organización en movimiento. Es un trabajo más bien empírico y se nutrió por un lado, de datos obtenidos de entrevistas y observaciones realizadas para dos proyectos de extensión en los cuales participé y por otro, del trabajo de campo realizado entre el mes de Junio del año 2003 y Marzo del año 2005. El trabajo de campo constó de observaciones participantes y no participantes y, de entrevistas a los integrantes de la organización territorial. Entre el mes de octubre del año 2003 y el mes de enero del año 2004 realicé veinte entrevistas en profundidad. Para su realización se tomaron cuotas por sexo y edad hasta agotar información