811 resultados para Political mobilization


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Active labor-market policies (ALMPs) have developed significantly over the past two decades across Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries, with substantial cross-national differences in terms of both extent and overall orientation. The objective of this article is to account for cross-national variation in this policy field. It starts by reviewing existing scholarship concerning political, institutional, and ideational determinants of ALMPs. It then argues that ALMP is too broad a category to be used without further specification, and it develops a typology of four different types of ALMPs: incentive reinforcement, employment assistance, occupation, and human capital investment. These are discussed and examined through ALMP expenditure profiles in selected countries. The article uses this typology to analyze ALMP trajectories in six Western European countries and shows that the role of this instrument changes dramatically over time. It concludes that there is little regularity in the political determinants of ALMPs. In contrast, it finds strong institutional and ideational effects, nested in the interaction between the changing economic context and existing labor-market policies.

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Abstract: On Sunday 1745-8-29 a small upheaval occurred in Bagnes, a rather marginal mountain valley in the Swiss Alps, against the abbot of St-Maurice, the local feudal lord. In our perspective, this movement was nothing but one element in a long-term struggle, carried out by a stable and quite well organized political faction. The detailed analysis of the conflicts, of their protagonists as well as an analysis of the mobilization networks allows to highlight crucial aspects of local political life and reveals the active role of working classes. The micro-historical approach leads to some conclusions which challenge classical interpretation of pre-modern rural revolts. The case of Bagnes sheds light on the active and innovative character of popular politics, still underestimated in studies about pre-modern rural societies. The participants in the struggle against the abbot had a political program which was not limited to the quest for local autonomy. They fought for an opening of local corporations and a weakening of the control mechanism, for economic, political and cultural evolution of their valley. Bagnes rebels were decidedly "innovative rebels" Résumé: Le dimanche 29 août 1745, une petite émeute éclate à Bagnes, une vallée marginale des Alpes suisses, contre le seigneur, l'abbé de St-Maurice. Dans notre perspective, cette révolte n'est qu'un élément d'une lutte de longue haleine, pendant laquelle l'opposition au seigneur représente une partie active et bien organisée du conflit. L'analyse détaillée des protagonistes des luttes politiques, ainsi que des réseaux sociaux qui influencent la mobilisation, permet de mieux comprendre les dynamiques d'organisation de la vie politique locale et le rôle actif des couches populaires. Cette perspective autorise quelques conclusions, qui remettent en question les interprétations classiques des révoltes rurales d'Ancien Régime. Dans le cas de Bagnes, le caractère actif et novateur de la « politique populaire » encore négligé dans les études sur la période moderne, apparaît évident. Les protagonistes de la lutte contre l'abbé soutiennent un projet politique qui ne se réduit pas à une autonomie maximale de la région. Au contraire, ils prônent une ouverture des corporations locales, une transformation des structures économiques, politiques et culturelles de la vallée. Les émeutiers du Châble étaient décidément des « rebelles-novateurs ».

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Plasmids have long been recognized as an important driver of DNA exchange and genetic innovation in prokaryotes. The success of plasmids has been attributed to their independent replication from the host's chromosome and their frequent self-transfer. It is thought that plasmids accumulate, rearrange and distribute nonessential genes, which may provide an advantage for host proliferation under selective conditions. In order to test this hypothesis independently of biases from culture selection, we study the plasmid metagenome from microbial communities in two activated sludge systems, one of which receives mostly household and the other chemical industry wastewater. We find that plasmids from activated sludge microbial communities carry among the largest proportion of unknown gene pools so far detected in metagenomic DNA, confirming their presumed role of DNA innovators. At a system level both plasmid metagenomes were dominated by functions associated with replication and transposition, and contained a wide variety of antibiotic and heavy metal resistances. Plasmid families were very different in the two metagenomes and grouped in deep-branching new families compared with known plasmid replicons. A number of abundant plasmid replicons could be completely assembled directly from the metagenome, providing insight in plasmid composition without culturing bias. Functionally, the two metagenomes strongly differed in several ways, including a greater abundance of genes for carbohydrate metabolism in the industrial and of general defense factors in the household activated sludge plasmid metagenome. This suggests that plasmids not only contribute to the adaptation of single individual prokaryotic species, but of the prokaryotic community as a whole under local selective conditions.

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OBJECTIVE: To evaluate whether early mobilization after acute ischaemic stroke is better than delayed mobilization with regard to medical complications and if it is safe in relation to neurological function and cerebral blood flow. DESIGN: Randomized controlled pilot trial of early versus delayed mobilization out of bed with incidence of severe complications as the primary outcome. SETTING: Acute stroke unit in the neurology department of a University Hospital. PARTICIPANTS: Fifty patients after ischaemic stroke with a National Institutes of Health Stroke Scale (NIHSS) score >6 were recruited. INTERVENTION: All patients were treated with physiotherapy immediately after their admission. In the early protocol patients were mobilized out of bed after 52 hours, in the delayed protocol after seven days. RESULTS: Eight out of 50 randomized patients were excluded from the per-protocol analysis because of early transfer to other hospitals. There were 2 (8%) severe complications in the 25 early mobilization patients and 8 (47%) in the 17 delayed mobilization patients (P < 0.006). There were no differences in the total number of complications or in clinical outcome. In the 26 patients (62%) who underwent serial transcranial Doppler ultrasonography, no blood flow differences were found. CONCLUSION: We found an apparent reduction in severe complications and no increase in total complications with an early mobilization protocol after acute ischaemic stroke. No influence on neurological three-month outcomes or on cerebral blood flow was seen. These results justify larger trials comparing mobilization protocols with possibly even faster mobilization out of bed than explored here.

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How does income inequality affect political representation? Jan Rosset, Nathalie Giger and Julian Bernauer examine whether politicians represent the views of poorer and richer citizens equally. They find that in 43 out of the 49 elections included in their analysis, the preferences of low-income citizens are located further away from the policy positions of the closest political party than those with mid-range incomes. This suggests that income inequality may spill-over into political inequalities, although it is less clear whether this effect is likely to get better or worse as a result of the Eurozone crisis.

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In the past three decades, feminists and critical theorists have discussed and argued the importance of deconstructing and problematizing social science research methodology in order to question normalized hierarchies concerning the production of knowledge and the status of truth claims. Nevertheless, often, these ideas have basically remained theoretical propositions not embodied in research practices. In fact there is very little published discussion about the difficulties and limits of their practical application. In this paper we introduce some interconnected reflections starting from two different but related experiences of embodying 'feminist activist research'. Our aim is to emphasise the importance of attending to process, making mistakes and learning during fieldwork, as well as experimenting with personalized forms of analysis, such as the construction of narratives and the story-telling process.

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In the past three decades, feminists and critical theorists have discussed and argued the importance of deconstructing and problematizing social science research methodology in order to question normalized hierarchies concerning the production of knowledge and the status of truth claims. Nevertheless, often, these ideas have basically remained theoretical propositions not embodied in research practices. In fact there is very little published discussion about the difficulties and limits of their practical application. In this paper we introduce some interconnected reflections starting from two different but related experiences of embodying 'feminist activist research'. Our aim is to emphasise the importance of attending to process, making mistakes and learning during fieldwork, as well as experimenting with personalized forms of analysis, such as the construction of narratives and the story-telling process.