641 resultados para Multicultural Education|Education Policy|Higher education


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This paper replicates the analysis of Scottish HEIs in Hermannsson et al (2010a) for the case of Northern Ireland in order to provide a self-contained analysis that is readily accessible by those whose primary concern is with the regional impacts of Northern-Irish HEIs. When we treat each of the four Higher Education Institutions (HEIs) that existed in Northern Ireland in 2006 as separate sectors in conventional input-output analysis, their expenditure impacts per unit of final demand appear rather homogenous, with the apparent heterogeneity of their overall impacts being primarily driven by scale. However, a disaggregation of their income by source reveals considerable variation in their dependence upon funding from the devolved Assembly and their ability to draw in income/funding from external sources. Acknowledging the binding budget constraint of the Northern Ireland Assembly and deriving balanced expenditure multipliers reveals large differences in the netexpenditure impact of HEIs upon the Northern Irish economy, with the source of variation being the origin of income. Applying a novel treatment of student expenditure impacts, identifying the amount of exogenous spending per student, modifies the heterogeneity of the overall expenditure impacts. On balance this suggests that the impacts of impending budget cut-backs will be quite different by institution depending on their sensitivity to public funding. However, predicting the outcome of budget cutbacks at the margin is problematic for reasons that we identify.

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The private market benefits of education, i.e. the wage premia of graduates, are widely studied at the micro level, although the magnitude of their macroeconomic impact is disputed. However, there are additional benefits of education, which are less well understood but could potentially drive significant macroeconomic impacts. Following the taxonomy of McMahon (2009) we identify four different types of benefits of education. These are: private market benefits (wage premia); private non market benefits (own health, happiness, etc.); external market benefits (productivity spillovers; and external non-market benefits (crime rates, civic society, democratisation, etc.). Drawing on available microeconometric evidence we use a micro-to-macro simulation approach (Hermannsson et al, 2010) to estimate the macroeconomic impacts of external benefits of higher education. We explore four cases: technology spillovers from HEIs; productivity spillovers from more skilled workers in the labour market; reduction in property crime; and the potential overall impact of external and private non-market benefits. Our results suggest that the external economic benefits of higher education could potentially be very large. However, given the dearth of microeconomic evidence this result should be seen as tentative. Our aim is to illustrate the links from education to the wider economy in principle and encourage further research in the field.

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Community education needs to be supported by strong public policy if it is to be fully effective at tackling food poverty and obesity, a project evaluation by the Institute of Public Health in Ireland (IPH) has found. In its evaluation of Decent Food for All (DFfA) - a major project to improve community diet and health - IPH found that where people live and shop had a greater impact on their diet than their own individual awareness and attitudes. Access Tackling Food Poverty: lessons from the Decent Food for All intervention at www.publichealth.ie DFfA was funded by safefood (the Food Safety Promotion Board) and the Food Standards Agency Northern Ireland. The project lasted four years and included hundreds of community education activities designed to improve diet in poorer parts of Armagh and South Tyrone. safefood commissioned IPH to undertake the evaluation of DFfA. Dr. Kevin Balanda, IPH Associate Director, said 'The aim of the project was to reduce food poverty (this is defined as not being able to consume adequate healthy food) and improve health in the target communities. DFfA delivered over 370 core activities to 3,100 residents including local education talks on diet, cookery workshops, fresh fruit in schools, healthy food tastings and information stands. One in eight residents in the target areas participated in at least one of these activities.' The evaluation found that over 1 in 5 adults in the target areas reported they had cut their weekly food spending in the last six months to pay other household bills such as rent, electricity and gas. During the four years of the DFfA activities, this percentage had not changed significantly. There were mixed changes in the nature of food in local stores. While the overall availability and price of food increased, both モhealthierヤ food and モunhealthierヤ food were included in that increase. It was only in the larger モmultiple/discount freezerヤ type of shops that the overall price of food had decreased.

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My interest in higher education and citizenship in the Middle East at large and in Jordan in particular is fostered by some of the reflections Eickelman proposed (1992). Being a quite recent phenomenon, intimately linked with the more general topic of state formation it seemed to me more suitable to study it in a little country with a recent history (a field study left almost unexplored until now as far as Jordan is concerned, to the best of my knowledge, since Antoun 1994 focuses on the migration as a quest for higher education). The process of state formation in Jordan is quite studied. I thus intended to study the higher education policies as an attempt both to create a national citizenry and more recently as a way of controlling the more problematic part of the population (youth, which constitutes more than the double of the population. See UNDP and Ministry of Planning 2000). How do the young students enter the university system, and in which way does this system work? How is this system designed, in order to retain social control of the students (since they are usually perceived to be a factor of social and political instability, as in Iran or in Egypt)? Is there any significant difference between different faculties? And if so, why? My conclusions at this stage are that the university system is an integral part of the survival of the regime. The system works quite well, and Jordan has one of the best educational position in the region. Yet there are important distinctions to be made: the access to the better faculties is socially selective while the less valued faculties are left to the poorer and less wealthy youth. This results in a different treatment of the students and of the courses that I analysed. In the better faculties the teaching standards are quite high, and the relationship between professors and students is almost on a same-level base, while in the less privileged faculties the opposite is true. Thus we can observe a concrete politics of divide et impera intended to split the youth in two. For the more privileged there are some freedoms, both within and outside classes, designed I guess at forging them as autonomous individuals. On the opposite the less privileged are kept under tight control, even if also these students are a privileged category among youth at large.

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This document is also available in the Publications Section of the DHSS website at:www.dhssni.gov.uk åÊ åÊ

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1. Interpretation. The purpose of this provision is set out some commonly used terms to be used in the Bill. 2. Establishment day. The purpose of this provision is to require the Minister to specify a day as the establishment day for the purposes of the Bill. This will be the day on which the new authority, to be known as SOLAS, will come into existence. 3. Establishment of SOLAS. The purpose of this head is to provide for the formal establishment of SOLAS and to define its status as a corporate body with the usual consequent powers. 4. Functions of SOLAS. The purpose of this head is to set down the statutory functions of the new further education and training authority. SOLAS is to have overall strategic responsibility for the provision of further education and training in the country. It will be responsible for deciding what further education and training programmes are provided. A core part of its role will be to ensure the referral of jobseekers to appropriate courses which may be delivered by VECs or by other, including private, providers. It will provide the funding stream to VECS and those other bodies for the provision of this training.

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he first ever strategy for the Further Education and Training (FET) sector is being launched by the Minister for Education and Skills, Ruair�_ Quinn T.D., and Minister of State for Training and Skills Ciarn Cannon T.D. The overall aim of the Strategy is to develop a world-class integrated system of further education and training in Ireland, which will promote economic development and meet the needs of all citizens. The new strategy was developed by SOLAS with assistance from the ESRI which was commissioned to carry out evidence based research and assist in the development of the Strategy. Five high level strategic goals have been identified: -Skills for the Economy: to address the current and future needs of learners, jobseekers, employers and employees and to contribute to national economic development -Active Inclusion: to support the active inclusion of people of all abilities in society with special reference to literacy and numeracy -Quality Provision: to provide high quality education and training programmes and to meet the appropriate national and international quality standards -Integrated Planning and Funding: FET provision will be planned and funded on the basis of objective analysis of needs and evidence of social and economic impact -Standing of FET: to ensure a valued learning path leading to agreed employment, career, developmental, personal and social options. The Strategy follows a radical overhaul of the structure of the sector by the Government which includes the streamlining of 33 existing VECs into 16 Education and Training Boards (ETBs), the abolition of F́S and creation of SOLAS, the Further Education and Training Authority. Speaking at the launch in the Chester Beatty li

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General Scheme of a Further Education and Training Authority (SOLAS) Bill 2012. Provided by the Department of Education and Skills, Ireland.

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HEA Report to the Minister for Education and Skills on Irish higher education (Response Letter). Provided by the Department of Education and Skills, Ireland.

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Ireland can be justly proud of the history and quality of its medical education. Graduates of Irish medical schools are accepted globally as being of international standard and many of the most eminent of Irish medical professionals have returned to Ireland after periods of distinguished service in other countries. This high international standing is reflected in the large number of North American, African and Asian students attending medical school in Ireland. Indeed, the ability of Irish medical schools to successfully compete at an international level in terms of attracting students to Ireland, and to establish a range of strategic relationships with Universities and Governments in other countries is to be commended.