Taking the multidimensionality of democracy seriously: institutional patterns and the quality of democracy

Democracies come in all shapes and sizes. Which configuration of political institutions produces the highest democratic quality is a notorious debate. The lineup of contenders includes ‘consensus’, ‘Westminster’, and ‘centripetal’ democracy. A trend in the evaluation of the relationship between empirical patterns of democracy and its quality is that the multidimensional nature of both concepts is increasingly taken into account. This article tests the assertion that certain centripetal configurations of proportionality in party systems and government, and unitarism in the remaining state structure, might outperform all other alternatives both in terms of inclusiveness and effectiveness. Analyzing 33 democracies, the results of interactive regression models only partially support this claim. Proportional–unitary democracies have the best track record in terms of representation, but there are little differences in participation, transparency, and government capability compared with other models.

An Ever Closer Union? The Nationalisation of Political Parties in Switzerland, 1991–2015

The contribution of this research note is a systematic description of levels of party nationalisation in Switzerland, using results from the elections to the Swiss National Council between 1991 and 2015. Party nationalisation is understood as the territorial homogeneity of a party's electoral performance and measured using the inverted and standardised Gini index. Our results indicate a trend towards more nationalisation in the Swiss party system over the time period covered, and distinct patterns for single parties. The SVP and the GLP have made big leaps towards stronger nationalisation, with the former closing in on the levels of the SP and the FDP, while the CVP remains a weakly nationalised party, considering its size.

Characterization of recombinant class I MHC alloantigen action upon the survival of disparate heart allografts

Previous studies have led to the development of allochimeric class I MHC proteins as agents that effectively induce donor-specific transplantation tolerance in a rat system with or without additional immunosuppression. Within the α1-helical region of RT1.Au, an epitope that conferred immunologic tolerance was discovered. Studies presented herein were designed to test our central hypothesis that allochimeric proteins onfer tolerance in a mouse model. To test this hypothesis, portal vein (PV) injection of wild-type H2Kd and H2Dd proteins were produced in a bacterial expression system and found to specifically prolong the survival of BALB/c (H2d) heart allografts in C57BL/10 (H2b) recipients. Although a single PV injection of 50 μg α1–α 3 H2Kd alone was ineffective, 50 μg α1 –α3 alone slightly prolonged BALB/c heart allograft survivals. In contrast, the combination of 25 μg α1–α 3 H2Kd and 25 μg α1–α 3 H2Dd proteins prolonged BALB/c graft survivals to 20.2 ± 6.4 days (p < 0.004). The effect was donor-specific, since a combination of 25 μg α1–α3 H2Kd and 25 μg α1–α3 H2Dd proteins failed to affect survivals of third-party C3H (H2k k) heart allografts, namely 9.0 ± 0.0 days in treated versus 7.8 ± 0.5 days in untreated hosts. Thus, the combination of two H2K d and H2Dd proteins is more effective in prolonging allograft survival than a single protein produced in a bacterial expression system. A single PV injection (day 0) of 25 μg α1–α 2 H2Kd and 25 μg α1–α 2 H2Dd proteins to C57BL/10 mice prolonged the survival of BALB/c heart allografts to 22.4 ± 4.5 days. Within a WF to ACI rat heart allograft system, a single PV injection of 20 μg 70–77 u-RT1.Aa induced specific tolerance of allografts. This therapy could be combined with CsA to induce transplantation tolerance. However, combination of 70–77u-RT1.Aa with CTLA4Ig, rapamycin, or AG-490 effectively blocked the induction of transplantation tolerance. Tolerance generated by allochimeric protein could be adoptively transferred to naive recipients. Intragraft cytokine mRNA levels showed a bias towards a Th2-type phenotype. Additionally, studies of cytokine signaling and activation of transcription factors revealed a requirement that these pathways remain available for signaling in order for transplantation tolerance to occur. These studies suggest that the generation of regulatory cells are required for the induction of transplantation tolerance through the use of allochimeric proteins. ^

Attributing inpatient care to diabetes: The case of Medicare for the elderly in Texas, 1995

Specific aims. This study estimated the accuracy of alternative numerator methods for attributing health care utilization and associated costs to diabetes by comparing findings from those methods with findings from a benchmark denominator method. ^ Methods. Using Medicare's 1995 inpatient and enrollment databases for the elderly in Texas, the researcher developed alternative estimates of costs attributable to diabetes. Among alternative numerator methods were selection of all records having diabetes as a principal or secondary diagnosis, and a complex ICD-9-CM sorting routine as previously developed for study of diabetes costs in Texas. Findings from numerator methods were compared with those from a benchmark denominator method based on attributable risk and adapted from a study of national diabetes costs by the American Diabetes Association. This study applied age, gender and ethnicity specific estimates of diabetes prevalence taken from the 1987–94 National Health Interview Surveys to person-months of Medicare Part A, non-HMO enrollment for Texas in 1995. Outcome measures were number of persons identified as having diabetes using alternative definitions of the disease; and number of hospital stays, patient days, and costs using alternative methods for attributing care and costs to diabetes. Cost estimates were based on Medicare payments plus deductibles, co-pays and third party payments. ^ Findings. Numerator methods for attributing costs to diabetes produced findings quite different than those from the benchmark denominator method. When attribution was based on diabetes as principal or secondary diagnosis, the resulting estimates were significantly higher than those obtained from the denominator method. The more complex sorting routine produced estimates near the lower boundary for the confidence interval associated with estimates from the benchmark method. ^ Conclusions. Numerator methods employed by previous researchers poorly estimate the costs of diabetes. While crude mathematical adjustment can be made to the respective numerator approaches, a more useful strategy would be to refine the complex sorting routine to include more hospitalizations. This report recommends approaches to improving methods previously employed in study of diabetes costs. ^

An Appropriate Role for the Leadership: A Quantitative Analysis of the Effects of House Leadership on Open-Seat Races

This paper investigates the effects on open-seat races in the United States House of Representatives. This project focuses on the influence that the House leadership exerts on races. Generally, the leadership influences race through spending by party organizations and leadership visits. During each election cycle, national party organizations spend millions of dollars to get their candidates into office. I have developed a multiple regression model that measures different types of spending from the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, the National Republican Congressional Committee, and the Republican National Committee and the effects of these spending types on the election results. Also, the study examines the number of visits by each party’s leadership to each race. I introduced control variables that account for the year, the competitiveness of each race, and the individual candidate fundraising. In terms of statistical significance, the results were mixed showing one type of party spending to be highly influential in the outcome of the race. Competitiveness and individual candidate fundraising also achieved statistical significance. The study also includes a qualitative investigation of leadership visits and individual case studies in order to understand better the way in which the data interact in real campaigns.

A comparative state policy analysis of the adoption of birth defects surveillance legislation

Birth defects are the leading cause of infant mortality in the United States and are a major cause of lifetime disability. However, efforts to understand their causes have been hampered by a lack of population-specific data. During 1990–2004, 22 state legislatures responded to this need by proposing birth defects surveillance legislation (BDSL). The contrast between these states and those that did not pass BDSL provides an opportunity to better understand conditions associated with US public health policy diffusion. ^ This study identifies key state-specific determinants that predict: (1) the introduction of birth defects surveillance legislation (BDSL) onto states' formal legislative agenda, and (2) the successful adoption of these laws. Secondary aims were to interpret these findings in a theoretically sound framework and to incorporate evidence from three analytical approaches. ^ The study begins with a comparative case study of Texas and Oregon (states with divergent BDSL outcomes), including a review of historical documentation and content analysis of key informant interviews. After selecting and operationalizing explanatory variables suggested by the case study, Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA) was applied to publically available data to describe important patterns of variation among 37 states. Results from logistic regression were compared to determine whether the two methods produced consistent findings. ^ Themes emerging from the comparative case study included differing budgetary conditions and the significance of relationships within policy issue networks. However, the QCA and statistical analysis pointed to the importance of political parties and contrasting societal contexts. Notably, state policies that allow greater access to citizen-driven ballot initiatives were consistently associated with lower likelihood of introducing BDSL. ^ Methodologically, these results indicate that a case study approach, while important for eliciting valuable context-specific detail, may fail to detect the influence of overarching, systemic variables, such as party competition. However, QCA and statistical analyses were limited by a lack of existing data to operationalize policy issue networks, and thus may have downplayed the impact of personal interactions. ^ This study contributes to the field of health policy studies in three ways. First, it emphasizes the importance of collegial and consistent relationships among policy issue network members. Second, it calls attention to political party systems in predicting policy outcomes. Finally, a novel approach to interpreting state data in a theoretically significant manner (QCA) has been demonstrated.^

The Feasibility of Cuban Market Economy: A Comparison with Vietnam

In spite of the difficulties incurred by its people, Cuba has maintained a centrally planned economy with single party system. On the contrary, Vietnam has introduced a market economy under communist rule, and succeeded in generally improving living standards. The factors that contributed to the introduction of Vietnamese-style reforms are (1) severe economic crisis, (2) demonstration effects from neighboring countries, (3) poor social policy, (4) initiatives by ex-conservative leader/s, and (5) weak state capacity. The conditions to sustain high economic growth are (1) social sectors familiar with capitalist economics, (2) abundant labor forces with relatively low labor cost, and (3) investment by exiles. This paper analyzes to what extent Cuba meets these conditions.

The Experience of the National Rainbow Coalition (NARC) : Political Parties in Kenya from 1991 to 2007

This paper first examines splits and mergers among Kenya’s political parties (and inner-party factions) from the restoration of a multi-party system in 1991 until 2007, before the turbulent 10th general elections were conducted. It then considers what functions “political parties” have in Kenya with special reference to the period since 2002, the year in which President Moi announced his intention to retire. A look back at NARC’s five years of rule reveals that, although it succeeded in changing the government, NARC, as a “political party,” remained throughout an organization without any real substance. The paper looks at (1) NARC’s de facto split after its overwhelming win in the ninth general election, (2) malfunctions of the anti-defection laws that were introduced in the 1960s, and (3) Kenya’s election rules that require candidates to be nominated by registered political parties in general elections. The paper proceeds to argue that as a result of the operation of these three elements, Kenya’s political parties, and especially the victorious coalition sides, tend to end up being nothing more than temporary vehicles for political elites angling for post-election posts.

The misconception of political lessons : how UMNO perceives the fall of LDP in Japan

2012 marks the thirtieth anniversary of Malaysia’s Look East Policy (LEP). This article argues that the strong relationship between Malaysia and Japan is stimulated by symbiotic ties binding together both countries’ respective major political parties, viz. the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) and the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). UMNO, especially under the leadership of Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad (1981-2003), derived political lessons from developments affecting LDP in Japan. Two forms of lessons may be discerned. First, emulation of Japan’s success in economic development, which become the basis of LEP launched in 1981. Second, on which our article focuses, lessons from the failure of LDP to retain power twice in 1993 and 2009. Since 1993, DP’s defeat has been a poignant reminder for UMNO to be in alert mode in facing any electoral possibility. When LDP was again ousted from power in 2009, UMNO was a most psychologically affected party owing to the unprecedented setback it suffered at Malaysia’s Twelfth General Elections (GE) of 2008. Yet, although LDP’s reversal of fortunes served as a landmark for UMNO in situating changes to its trajectory since 1999, the analogical reasoning and political lessons applied by UMNO leaders were, to a large extent, flawed. Arguably, politicians frequently do misjudge in analogising between different situations which at a glance seem to be comparable.

The effect of flow speed and food size on the capture efficiency and feeding behaviour of the cold-water coral Lophelia pertusa

Acknowledgements The authors acknowledge L. Wicks and B. de Francisco for helping in coral sampling and coral care in the aquaria facilities at SAMS. Thanks to C. Campbell and the CCAP for kind support and help. Scientific party and crew on board the RVs Calanus and Seol Mara, as well as on board the RRS James Cook during the Changing Oceans cruise (JC_073) are greatly acknowledged. Thanks to colleagues at SAMS for their support during our stay at SAMS. We are in debt with A. Olariaga for his help modifying the cylindrical experimental chambers used in the experiments, and C.C. Suckling for assistance with the flume experiment. Many thanks go to G. Kazadinis for preparing the POM used in the feeding experiments. We also thank two anonymous reviewers and the editor for their constructive comments, which contribute to improve the manuscript. This work has been supported by the European Commission through two ASSEMBLE projects (grant agreement no. 227799) conducted in 2010 and 2011 at SAMS, as well as by the UK Ocean Acidification Research Programme's Benthic Consortium project (awards NE/H01747X/1 and NE/H017305/1) funded by NERC. [SS]

Evidence for the involvement of ASIC3 in sensory mechanotransduction in proprioceptors

This work was supported in Taipei by Institute of Biomedical Sciences, Academia Sinica and grants from the Ministry of Science and Technology, Taiwan (NSC100-2321-B-001-018, NSC102-2321-B-001-056, NSC102-2320-B-001-021-MY3, and MOST104-2325-B- 001-011) and in Aberdeen, by the Institute of Medical Sciences, University of Aberdeen, UK. We thank Dr David J. Anderson and Dr Yoshihiro Yoshihara for providing plasmids containing cDNA of eGFP-f and WGA, respectively. Dr John N. Wood, Dr Bai-Chuang Shyu and Dr Yu-Ting Yan for providing transgenic lines including Nav1.8-Cre, Parvalbumin-Cre, ROSA-Gt26 reporter and CAG-STOPfloxed-GFP reporter mice. Also we thank Dr Silvia Arber for offering Parvalbumin-Cre-specific genotyping primer sequence, Dr Philip LeDuc for critical reading of the manuscript, and the Transgenic Core Facility of Academia Sinica for the help on the generation of the 2 Asic3 mutant mice, as well as Dr Sin-Jhong Cheng of NPAS for technique support on electrophysiology

Using resilience to predict the effects of disturbance

Acknowledgements This work was funded by the Office of Naval Research (N00014-13-1-0696). We thank C Asher for her comments on an earlier version of this manuscript.

Role Expectations and State Socialization: Germany's Rediscovery of the Use of Force 1990-1995

This dissertation engages the question of why German political elites accepted the use of force during the 1990s and started to commit the country's armed forces to multilateral peacekeeping missions. Previous governments of the Federal Republic had opposed foreign deployment of the military and Germany was characterized by a unique strategic culture in which the efficacy of military force was widely regarded as negative. The rediscovery of the use of force constituted a significant reorientation of German security policy with potentially profound implications for international relations. I use social role theory to explain Germany's security policy reorientation. I argue that political elites shared a national role conception of their country as a dependable and reliable ally. Role expectations of the international security environment changed as a result of a general shift to multilateral intervention as means to address emerging security problems after the Cold War. Germany's resistance to the use of force was viewed as inappropriate conduct for a power possessing the economic and military wherewithal of the Federal Republic. Elites from allied countries exerted social pressure to have Germany contribute commensurate with capabilities. German political elites adapted role behavior in response to external expectations in an effort to preserve the national role conception of a dependable and reliable ally. Security policy reorientation to maintain Germany's national role conception was pursued by conservative elites who acted as 'role entrepreneurs'. CDU/CSU politicians initiated a process of role adaptation to include the use of force for non-defensive missions. They persuaded Social Democrats and Alliance 90/Green party politicians that the maintenance of the country's role conception necessitated a reorientation in security policy to accommodate the changes in the security environment.

The Dynamics of Decentralization in Italy: Towards a Federal Solution? European Diversity and Autonomy Papers, EDAP/04 2013

This paper analyses the recent process of state decentralisation in Italy from the perspectives of political science and constitutional law. It considers the conflicting pressures and partisan opportunism of the decentralising process, and how these have adversely affected the consistency and completeness of the new constitutional framework. The paper evaluates the major institutional reforms affecting state decentralisation, including the 2001 constitutional reform and the more recent legislation on fiscal federalism. It argues that while the legal framework for decentralisation remains unclear and contradictory in parts, the Constitutional Court has performed a key role in interpreting the provisions and giving life to the decentralised system, in which regional governments now perform a much more prominent role. This new system of more decentralised multi-level government must nevertheless contend with a political culture and party system that remains highly centralised, while the administrative apparatus has undergone no comparable shift to take account of state decentralisation, leading to the duplication of bureaucracy at all territorial levels and continuing conflicts over policy jurisdiction. Unlike in federal systems these conflicts cannot be resolved in Italy through mechanisms of “shared rule”, since formal inter-governmental coordination structure are weak and entirely consultative.