757 resultados para Local Government Competitiveness Council (S.C.)


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The Local Urban Observatory in Nakuru (LUO, Kenya 2003) has developed a progressive and to date unique electronic information service called NakInfo. The objective of LUO is to make residents aware of public services delivery by their Local Authority, in this case the Municipal Council of Nakuru, and give them a voice in achieving improved quality of life. NakInfo facilitates community participation in local government business and demonstrates how to implement such participation in a developing country. The LUO project was formally initiated by the Municipal Council of Nakuru in January 2003, in collaboration with the Centre for Development and Environment (CDE) of the University of Berne (Switzerland) with funding from the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation (SDC).

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In this paper, we evaluate the impact of associational life on individual political trust in 57 Swiss municipalities. Our hierarchical regression models show that individual political trust is not only affected by individual associational membership but also by the exchange between associations and local political authorities in a community. In other words, if political authorities and associations are linked at the community level, citizens will place more trust in their local institutions. Furthermore, we find clear evidence for the rainmaker hypothesis: our results show that the positive effect of a vibrant connection between associational life and local politics on political trust is not solely confined to the associational members themselves, but rather indicate that the structure of the local civic culture fosters political trust among members and non-members at the same time. However, the internal democratic processes of associations have no effect on individuals’ trust in local political institutions.

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Tax motivated takings are takings by a local government aimed purely at increasing its tax base. Such an action was justified by the Supreme Court's ruling in Kelo v. New London, which allowed the use of eminent domain for a private redevelopment project on the grounds that the project promised spillover public benefits in the form of jobs and taxes. This paper argues that tax motivated takings can lead to inefficient transfers of land for the simple reason that assessed values understate owners' true values. We therefore propose a reassessment scheme that greatly reduces the risk of this sort of inefficiency.

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Employer-based health insurance is declining at records rates, which leaves an increasing number of people without access to affordable health insurance. As a result, municipalities are experiencing financial difficulties to provide health care services for their growing uninsured population. In attempt to combat this issue, three health polices have emerged within the last ten years, called Living Wage with a health insurance provision, Pay or Play, and Health Care Preference. These policies are gaining popularity as civic leaders recognize their ability to promote a public health goal by leveraging the power of city and county contracts to include a health insurance component in the competitive bidding practice for government contracts. ^ This is the first paper to conduct a retrospective analysis on whether these three health policies have been able to increase access to employer-based health insurance and/or support the local health care safety net based on the experiences of six municipalities over a 5-year period from 2001-2006. Although there was variation between the effectiveness of the policies, all three demonstrated success in that a number of contractors extended existing health insurance to employees not previously covered and the increased cost of contracting for the local government was, on average, less than 1 percent of the total operating budget. ^

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Decentralization in Indonesia was introduced institutionally in 2001, with a democratization drive promoted by international donors and by the intention of the new government to clear away the centralistic image of Soeharto. Decentralization has had some effects on regional economies and on local government administration. Compared to the period before decentralization, the share of gross regional domestic product and local government finance has increased in Java, though investment and bank borrowing have expanded to the outer islands. In qualitative aspects, decentralization has transferred not only administrative authority but also many new vested interests from the center to regions. Local governments have become more extensive economic actors in regional economies. Regional economic actors now compete actively for such vested interests and have missed the opportunity to create market-friendly regional economies. The government sector should not be a mere rent-seeking economic actor, but should play a role as a facilitator promoting private sector activities in regional economies.

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TSEP-RLI was a technical cooperation project jointly conducted by GOP thru DA-Agricultural Training Institute (ATI) and GOJ thru JICA aimed at institutionalizing the training program for Rural Life Improvement (RLI) at the (ATI). As expected, farmers, fisherfolk, women, youth and extension agents were provided with efficient and effective training services from ATI leading to the improvement of quality of life in the rural areas through efforts of human resource development. The ATI- Bohol was chosen as the model center where participatory trials and various activities of the project were undertaken for five years. These activities were participatory surveys and data collection of on-farm and off-farm productive activities; planning workshop for RLI; feedbacking of survey results and action plans to the community and the Local Government Units (LGUs), and signing of Memorandum of Agreement between the Project and participating LGUs. The above activities were done to facilitate the planning and development of most effective and necessary rural life improvement activities, to confirm the willingness of the people to support and participate and to formalize the partnership between the Project and the LGUs. Since the concept of rural life covers a vast range of activities, a consensus had been reached that the total aspects of rural life be grasped in three spheres, namely, Production & Livelihood (P/L), Rural Living Condition (RLC) and Community Environment (C/E). The RLI for Ubi (Yam) Growers was one of the pilot activities undertaken in two pilot barangays and the target beneficiaries were members of the Rural Improvement Club (RIC- a group of organized women) with the LGU of the Municipality of Corella as the implementing partner. During the planning workshop, the barangay residents articulated their desire to promote production and processing of ubi (sphere on P/L - as the entry point), lack of nutritious food was one of the identified problem (sphere on RLC- expansion point) and environmental degradation such as deforestation, and soil erosion was another problem articulated by the community people (sphere on C/E- expansion point). Major activities that were undertaken namely, Ubi cooking contest, cooking/processing seminar, training courses on entrepreneurial development, ubi production and storage technology, packaging and product design, human resource development and simplified bookkeeping motivated the beneficiaries as well as developed and enhanced their skills & capabilities while strengthening their associations. Their participation to the 5 ubi festivals and other related activities had brought some impacts on their economic and rural life improvement activities. The seven principles of TSEP-RLI include the participatory process, holistic approach, dialogical approach, bottom -up training needs assessment, demand-driven approach, cost sharing approach and collaborative implementation with other agencies including LGUs and the community.

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Introduction:Today, many countries, regardless of developed or developing, are trying to promote decentralization. According to Manor, as his quoting of Nickson’s argument, decentralization stems from the necessity to strengthen local governments as proxy of civil society to fill the yawning gap between the state and civil society (Manor [1999]: 30). With the end to the Cold War following the collapse of the Soviet Union rendering the cause of the “leadership of the central government to counter communism” meaningless, Manor points out, it has become increasingly difficult to respond flexibly to changes in society under the centralized system. Then, what benefits can be expected from the effectuation of decentralization? Litvack-Ahmad-Bird cited the four points: attainment of allocative efficiency in the face of different local preferences for local public goods; improvement to government competitiveness; realization of good governance; and enhancement of the legitimacy and sustainability of heterogeneous national states (Litvack, Ahmad & Bird [1998]: 5). They all contribute to reducing the economic and social costs of a central government unable to respond to changes in society and enhancing the efficiency of state administration through the delegation of authority to local governments. Why did Indonesia have a go at decentralization? As Maryanov recognizes, reasons for the implementation of decentralization in Indonesia have never been explicitly presented (Maryanov [1958]: 17). But there was strong momentum toward building a democratic state in Indonesia at the time of independence, and as indicated by provisions of Article 18 of the 1945 Constitution, there was the tendency in Indonesia from the beginning to debate decentralization in association with democratization. That said debate about democratization was fairly abstract and the main points are to ease the tensions, quiet the complaints, satisfy the political forces and thus stabilize the process of government (Maryanov [1958]: 26-27).    What triggered decentralization in Indonesia in earnest, of course, was the collapse of the Soeharto regime in May 1998. The Soeharto regime, regarded as the epitome of the centralization of power, became incapable of effectively dealing with problems in administration of the state and development administration. Besides, the post-Soeharto era of “reform (reformasi)” demanded the complete wipeout of the Soeharto image. In contraposition to the centralization of power was decentralization. The Soeharto regime that ruled Indonesia for 32 years was established in 1966 under the banner of “anti-communism.” The end of the Cold War structure in the late 1980s undermined the legitimate reason the centralization of power to counter communism claimed by the Soeharto regime. The factor for decentralization cited by Manor is applicable here.    Decentralization can be interpreted to mean not only the reversal of the centralized system of government due to its inability to respond to changes in society, as Manor points out, but also the participation of local governments in the process of the nation state building through the more positive transfer of power (democratic decentralization) and in the coordinated pursuit with the central government for a new shape of the state. However, it is also true that a variety of problems are gushing out in the process of implementing decentralization in Indonesia.    This paper discusses the relationship between decentralization and the formation of the nation state with the awareness of the problems and issues described above. Section 1 retraces the history of decentralization by examining laws and regulations for local administration and how they were actually implemented or not. Section 2 focuses on the relationships among the central government, local governments, foreign companies and other actors in the play over the distribution of profits from exploitation of natural resources, and examines the process of the ulterior motives of these actors and the amplification of mistrust spawning intense conflicts that, in extreme cases, grew into separation and independence movements. Section 3 considers the merits and demerits at this stage of decentralization implemented since 2001 and shed light on the significance of decentralization in terms of the nation state building. Finally, Section 4 attempts to review decentralization as the “opportunity to learn by doing” for the central and local governments in the process of the nation state building.    In the context of decentralization in Indonesia, deconcentration (dekonsentrasi), decentralization (desentralisasi) and support assignments (tugas pembantuan; medebewind, a Dutch word, was used previously) are defined as follows. Dekonsentrasi means that when the central government puts a local office of its own, or an outpost agency, in charge of implementing its service without delegating the administrative authority over this particular service. The outpost agency carries out the services as instructed by the central government. A head of a local government, when acting for the central government, gets involved in the process of dekonsentrasi. Desentralisasi, meanwhile, occurs when the central government cedes the administrative authority over a particular service to local governments. Under desentralisasi, local governments can undertake the particular service at their own discretion, and the central government, after the delegation of authority, cannot interfere with how local governments handle that service. Tugas pembantuan occur when the central government makes local governments or villages, or local governments make villages, undertake a particular service. In this case, the central government, or local governments, provides funding, equipment and materials necessary, and officials of local governments and villages undertake the service under the supervision and guidance of the central or local governments. Tugas pembantuan are maintained until local governments and villages become capable of undertaking that particular service on their own.

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This paper aims to capture the changing features of local SOEs under the national SOE restructuring program in the 2000s. The national policy on SOE reform in this phase had an effect of considerably clarifying and narrowing down the raison d'être of SOEs, which has been put into practice at the local level through provincial master plans. Consequently, some signs of an important change are observed: the structure of the local SOE sector is being standardized to a certain extent, and the remaining local SOEs are becoming more geared to the needs of a market economy. This trend would have far-reaching implications for the policy implementation and public service delivery by localities, which in turn would affect the long-term development of non-state sectors.

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Se evalúa con indicadores de gobernanza urbana la sostenibilidad de las formas de hacer ciudad hibrida compleja del gobierno de la gestión visible (GGV). Argumenta que el GGV hace ciudad para legitimarse por desempeño y fortalecer la gobernanza local, en un contexto de mutaciones múltiples y radicales que tienden a diluir y centralizar el poder local y fractalizar la ciudad, profundizando la segregación sociopolítica-territorial y la ingobernabilidad genética de la ciudad hibrida, poniendo en riesgo el Estado federal descentralizado, el derecho a la ciudad, al gobierno local y la gobernanza urbana y multinivel (hipótesis). La estrategia de evaluación de gobernanza innovadora (EEG+i) diseñada para evaluar la relación entre las formas de hacer ciudad hibrida (variables espaciales) y gobernanza (variable a-espacial) es transversal, multidimensional y se construye desde la complejidad, el análisis de escenarios, formulación de constructos, modelos e indicadores de gobernanza, entretejiendo tres campos de conocimiento, gobierno, ciudad y sostenibilidad, en cuatro fases. La Fase 1, contextualiza la gobernanza en la dramática del siglo XXI. La Fase 2, desarrolla la fundamentación teórico-práctica, nuevos conceptos y un abordaje analítico propio ‘genética territorial’, para analizar y comprehender la complejidad de la ciudad hibrida de países en desarrollo, tejiendo ontogenética territorial y el carácter autopoiético del gen informal. En la Fase 3, se caracterizan las formas de hacer ciudad desde la genética del territorio, se formulan modelos e indicadores de gobernanza con los que se evalúan, aplicando un delphi y cuestionarios, los genes tipológicos-formas de hacer ciudad y validan las conclusiones. En la Fase 4, se correlacionan los resultados de los instrumentos aplicados con la praxis urbana del GGV, durante cuatro periodos de gobierno (1996-2010). Concluyendo que, la estrategia de evaluación comprobó las hipótesis y demostró la correlación transversal y multinivel existente entre, las mutaciones en curso que contradicen el modelo de gobernanza constitucional, el paisaje de gobernanza latinoamericano y venezolano, la praxis de los regímenes híbridos ricos en recursos naturales, las perspectivas de desarrollo globales y se expresa sociopolíticamente en déficit de gobernanza, Estado de derecho y cohesión-capital social y, espaciolocalmente, en la ciudad hibrida dispersa y diluida (compleja) y en el gobierno del poder diluido centralizado. La confrontación de flujos de poder centrípetos y centrífugos en la ciudad profundiza la fragmentación socioespacial y política y el deterioro de la calidad de vida, incrementando las protestas ciudadanas e ingobernabilidad que obstaculiza la superación de la pobreza y gobernanza urbana y multinivel. La evaluación de la praxis urbana del GGV evidenció que la correlación entre gobernanza, la producción de genes formales y la ciudad por iniciativa privada tiende a ser positiva y entre gobernanza, genes y producción de ciudad informal negativa, por el carácter autopoiético-autogobernable del gen informal y de los nuevos gobiernos sublocales que dificulta gobernar en gobernanza. La praxis del GGV es contraria al modelo de gobernanza formulado y la disolución centralizada del gobierno local y de la ciudad hibrida-dispersa es socio-espacial y políticamente insostenible. Se proponen estrategias y tácticas de gobernanza multinivel para recuperar la cohesión social y de planificación de la gestión innovadora (EG [PG] +i) para orquestar, desde el Consejo Local de Gobernanza (CLG) y con la participación de los espacios y gobiernos sublocales, un proyecto de ciudad compartido y sostenible. ABSTRACT The sustainability of the forms of making the hybrid-complex city by the visible management government (VMG) is evaluated using urban governance indicators. Argues that the VMG builds city to legitimate itself by performance and to strengthen local governance in a context of multiple and radical mutations that tend to dilute and centralize local power and fractalize the city, deepening the socio-spatial and political segregation, the genetic ingovernability of the hybrid city and placing the decentralized federal State, the right to city, local government and urban governance at risk (hypothesis). The innovative governance evaluation strategy (GES+i) designed to assess the relationship between the forms of making the hybrid city (spatial variables) and governance (a-spatial variable) is transversal, multidimensional; is constructed from complexity, scenario analysis, the formulation of concepts, models and governance indicators, weaving three fields of knowledge, government, city and sustainability in four phases. Phase 1, contextualizes governance in the dramatic of the twenty-first century. Phase 2, develops the theoretical and practical foundations, new concepts and a proper analytical approach to comprehend the complexity of the hybrid city from developing countries, weaving territorial ontogenetic with the autopiethic character of the informal city gen. In Phase 3, the ways of making city are characterized from the genetics of territory; governance indicators and models are formulated to evaluate, using delphi and questionnaires, the ways of making city and validate the conclusions. In Phase 4, the results of the instruments applied are correlated with the urban praxis of the VMG during the four periods of government analyzed (1996-2010). Concluding that, the evaluation strategy proved the hypothesis and showed the transversal and multilevel correlation between, mutations that contradict the constitutional governance model, the governance landscape of Latinamerica and the country, the praxis of the hybrid regimes rich in natural resources, the perspectives of the glocal economy and expresses socio-politically the governance and rule of law and social capital-cohesion deficit and spatial-temporarily the hybrid disperse and diluted city (complex) and the diluted-centralized local government. The confrontation of flows of power centripetal and centrifugal in the city deepens the socio-spatial and political fragmentation and deterioration of the quality of life, increasing citizens' protests and ingovernability which hinders poverty eradication and, multilevel and urban governance. The evaluation of the VMG urban praxis showed the correlation between governance, the production of formal genes and city by private initiative tended to be positive and, between informal genes-city production and governance negative, due to its autopiethic-self governable character that hinders governance. The urban praxis of the VMG contradicts the formulated governance model and thecentralized dissolution of the local government and hybrid city are socio-spatial and politically unsustainable. Multiscale governance strategies are proposed to recreate social cohesion and a management planning innovative method (EG [PG] + i) to orchestrate, from the Local Governance Council (LGC) and with the participation of sublocal governments and spaces, a shared and sustainable city project.

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Toponomastics is increasingly interested in the subjective role of place names in quotidian life. In the frame of Urban Geography, the interest in this matter is currently growing, as the recently change in modes of habitation has urged our discipline to find new ways of exploring the cities. In this context, the study of how name's significance is connected to a urban society constitutes a very interesting approach. We believe in the importance of place names as tools for decoding urban areas and societies at a local-scale. This consideration has been frequently taken into account in the analysis of exonyms, although in their case they are not exempt of political and practical implications that prevail over the tool function. The study of toponomastic processes helps us understanding how the city works, by analyzing the liaison between urban landscape, imaginaries and toponyms which is reflected in the scarcity of some names, in the biased creation of new toponyms and in the pressure exercised over every place name by tourists, residents and local government for changing, maintaining or eliminating them. Our study-case, Toledo, is one of the oldest cities in Spain, full of myths, stories and histories that can only be understood combined with processes of internal evolution of the city linked to the arrival of new residents and the more and more notorious change of its historical landscape. At a local scale, we are willing to decode the information which is contained in its toponyms about its landscape and its society.

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En las últimas tres décadas, las dinámicas de restructuración económica a nivel global han redefinido radicalmente el papel de las ciudades. La transición del keynesianismo al neoliberalismo ha provocado un cambio en las políticas urbanas de los gobiernos municipales, que han abandonado progresivamente las tareas de regulación y redistribución para centrarse en la promoción del crecimiento económico y la competitividad. En este contexto, muchas voces críticas han señalado que la regeneración urbana se ha convertido en un vehículo de extracción de valor de la ciudad y está provocando la expulsión de los ciudadanos más vulnerables. Sin embargo, la regeneración de áreas consolidadas supone también una oportunidad de mejora de las condiciones de vida de la población residente, y es una política necesaria para controlar la expansión de la ciudad y reducir las necesidades de desplazamiento, promoviendo así ciudades más sostenibles. Partiendo de la hipótesis de que la gobernanza de los procesos de regeneración urbana es clave en el resultado final de las operaciones y determina el modelo de ciudad resultante, el objetivo de esta investigación es verificar si la regeneración urbana es necesariamente un mecanismo de extracción de valor o si puede mejorar la calidad de vida en las ciudades a través de la participación de los ciudadanos. Para ello, propone un marco de análisis del proceso de toma de decisiones en los planes de regeneración urbana y su impacto en los resultados de los planes, tomando como caso de estudio la ciudad de Boston, que desde los años 1990 trata de convertirse en una “ciudad de los barrios”, fomentando la participación ciudadana al tiempo que se posiciona en la escena económica global. El análisis se centra en dos operaciones de regeneración iniciadas a finales de los años 1990. Por un lado, el caso de Jackson Square nos permite comprender el papel de la sociedad civil y el tercer sector en la regeneración de los barrios más desfavorecidos, en un claro ejemplo de urbanismo “desde abajo” (bottom-up planning). Por otro, la reconversión del frente marítimo de South Boston para la construcción del Distrito de Innovación nos acerca a las grandes operaciones de regeneración urbana con fines de estímulo económico, tradicionalmente vinculadas a los centros financieros (downtown) y dirigidas por las élites gubernamentales y económicas (la growth machine) a través de procesos más tecnocráticos (top-down planning). La metodología utilizada consiste en el análisis cualitativo de los procesos de toma de decisiones y la relación entre los agentes implicados, así como de la evaluación de la implementación de dichas decisiones y su influencia en el modelo urbano resultante. El análisis de los casos permite afirmar que la gobernanza de los procesos de regeneración urbana influye decisivamente en el resultado final de las intervenciones; sin embargo, la participación de la comunidad local en la toma de decisiones no es suficiente para que el resultado de la regeneración urbana contrarreste los efectos de la neoliberalización, especialmente si se limita a la fase de planeamiento y no se extiende a la fase de ejecución, y si no está apoyada por una movilización política de mayor alcance que asegure una acción pública redistributiva. Asimismo, puede afirmarse que los procesos de regeneración urbana suponen una redefinición del modelo de ciudad, dado que la elección de los espacios de intervención tiene consecuencias sobre el equilibrio territorial de la ciudad. Los resultados de esta investigación tienen implicaciones para la disciplina del planeamiento urbano. Por una parte, se confirma la vigencia del paradigma del “urbanismo negociado”, si bien bajo discursos de liderazgo público y sin apelación al protagonismo del sector privado. Por otra parte, la planificación colaborativa en un contexto de “responsabilización” de las organizaciones comunitarias puede desactivar la potencia política de la participación ciudadana y servir como “amortiguador” hacia el gobierno local. Asimismo, la sustitución del planeamiento general como instrumento de definición de la ciudad futura por una planificación oportunista basada en la actuación en áreas estratégicas que tiren del resto de la ciudad, no permite definir un modelo coherente y consensuado de la ciudad que se desea colectivamente, ni permite utilizar el planeamiento como mecanismo de redistribución. ABSTRACT In the past three decades, the dynamics of global economic restructuring have radically redefined the role of cities. The transition from keynesianism to neoliberalism has caused a shift in local governments’ urban policies, which have progressively abandoned the tasks of regulation and redistribution to focus on promoting economic growth and competitiveness. In this context, many critics have pointed out that urban regeneration has become a vehicle for extracting value from the city and is causing the expulsion of the most vulnerable citizens. However, regeneration of consolidated areas is also an opportunity to improve the living conditions of the resident population, and is a necessary policy to control the expansion of the city and reduce the need for transportation, thus promoting more sustainable cities. Assuming that the governance of urban regeneration processes is key to the final outcome of the plans and determines the resulting city model, the goal of this research is to verify whether urban regeneration is necessarily a value extraction mechanism or if it can improve the quality of life in cities through citizens’ participation. It proposes a framework for analysis of decision-making in urban regeneration processes and their impact on the results of the plans, taking as a case study the city of Boston, which since the 1990s is trying to become a "city of neighborhoods", encouraging citizen participation, while seeking to position itself in the global economic scene. The analysis focuses on two redevelopment plans initiated in the late 1990s. The Jackson Square case allows us to understand the role of civil society and the third sector in the regeneration of disadvantaged neighborhoods, in a clear example of bottom-up planning. On the contrary, the conversion of the South Boston waterfront to build the Innovation District takes us to the big redevelopment efforts with economic stimulus’ goals, traditionally linked to downtowns and led by government and economic elites (the local “growth machine”) through more technocratic processes (top-down planning). The research is based on a qualitative analysis of the processes of decision making and the relationship between those involved, as well as the evaluation of the implementation of those decisions and their influence on the resulting urban model. The analysis suggests that the governance of urban regeneration processes decisively influences the outcome of interventions; however, community engagement in the decision-making process is not enough for the result of the urban regeneration to counteract the effects of neoliberalization, especially if it is limited to the planning phase and does not extend to the implementation of the projects, and if it is not supported by a broader political mobilization to ensure a redistributive public action. Moreover, urban regeneration processes redefine the urban model, since the choice of intervention areas has important consequences for the territorial balance of the city. The results of this study have implications for the discipline of urban planning. On the one hand, it confirms the validity of the "negotiated planning" paradigm, albeit under public leadership discourse and without a direct appeal to the leadership role of the private sector. On the other hand, collaborative planning in a context of "responsibilization" of community based organizations can deactivate the political power of citizen participation and serve as a "buffer" towards the local government. Furthermore, the replacement of comprehensive planning, as a tool for defining the city's future, by an opportunistic planning based on intervention in strategic areas that are supposed to induce change in the rest of the city, does not allow a coherent and consensual urban model that is collectively desired, nor it allows to use planning as a redistribution mechanism.

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In the tropics, bats are an essential component of many native ecosystems, through providing various ecological services including pollination and insect pest control, in addition to seed dispersal. Many Philippine bat species roost in caves and underground habitats. However, many caves are disturbed by people, to exploit resources for food, recreation, and mineral and guano extraction. The misunderstanding of the importance of bats to the ecosystem is also considered a threat to many cave roosting species. Understanding the conflicts between humans and ecosystems which provide essential services is important to maintain ecosystem service provision. A total of 100 local respondents from the village of Pisan, Kabacan North Cotabato in south central Mindanao were interviewed through semi-structured interviews and focus group discussions. Respondents were asked about their views, levels of knowledge, use, interaction, and awareness towards both the caves and bats in their locality. Our survey found that most of the respondents are aware of the presence of bats from the caves in their locality. Unfortunately, a large proportion of the respondents noted that bats are hunted in caves for bush meat and trade, and most people perceived bats as pest to fruit crops such as durian. These factors are among the main factors of the execution of many bat colonies in caves of south central Mindanao. In general, cave bats are under appreciated species in caves. The unregulated tourism, hunting for bush meat and trade, and guano extraction are among the alarming threats occurring for both caves and bats in the locality and possibly to other localities in the country. Furthermore, the establishment of strong and effective model conservation education programs and the strengthening the participation of local government, academic, and community are essential steps to preserve the current state of cave bats in the area.

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Mode of access: Internet.