O papel da integra����o regional para o Brasil: universalismo, soberania e percep����o das elites

O objetivo deste trabalho �� analisar o significado do Mercosul para a política exterior do Brasil. Para isso, discutiremos as percep����es das elites brasileiras em rela����o ao processo de integra����o regional. A defesa do princ��pio da intergovernamentalidade est�� ligada �� concep����o do lugar do Mercosul nas rela����es internacionais do pa��s. A grande valoriza����o de princ��pios como o do universalismo e o de soberania acaba afetando o aprofundamento da integra����o. A hip��tese deste trabalho �� que a estrutura do Mercosul seria condizente com as percep����es de parte das elites brasileiras. Argumentaremos que a estrutura atual �� insuficiente para garantir a din��mica da integra����o.

Brasil y la regi��n: una potencia emergente y la integraci��n regional sudamericana

En los ��ltimos a��os, Brasil se est�� convirtiendo en una potencia mundial, a la vez que se le considera el l��der regional. En este trabajo se aborda el papel creciente de Brasil en el ��mbito internacional, al tiempo que aumentan las tensiones con sus vecinos. ��Cu��l es la prioridad de la política exterior brasile��a: las relaciones regionales o los asuntos mundiales?

Ascenso y hegemon��a: pensando a las potencias emergentes desde Am��rica del Sur

El presente trabajo se enmarca en el actual debate sobre potencias emergentes intentando un aporte desde una perspectiva latinoamericana. Para ello trabajar�� algunas disyuntivas te��ricas que se han tornado dif��ciles de resolver para el mainstream racionalista de la disciplina, desarrollando un modelo de cambio complementario del programa realista actual. Argumentaremos que este marco presenta algunas ventajas para el estudio de diversas cuestiones relativas a las relaciones de poder en Am��rica del Sur, destacando en particular dos preguntas: ��qu�� caracter��sticas de la política exterior del Brasil han logrado constituirlo en una potencia emergente? ��Y por qu�� los pa��ses de la regi��n no han desarrollado una política exterior acorde al desaf��o que significa el ascenso de su principal contraparte regional?

Brasil y su lugar en el sistema internacional

Esta disertaci��n analiza la situaci��n de Brasil en el actual sistema internacional en el contexto de la globalizaci��n, teniendo presente para ello los medios y recursos de poder con los que cuenta el pa��s, con especial atenci��n al Servicio Exterior brasile��o. En tal sentido, el trabajo realiza una aproximaci��n a las caracter��sticas principales del sistema internacional a partir de la Ca��da del Muro de Berl��n. En la presente tesis se hace referencia a la realidad hist��rica, política y diplom��tica en Brasil en las ��ltimas d��cadas, profundizando en los cambios generados a partir de la etapa actual, que comienza con la elecci��n del Presidente Luiz In��cio da Silva. En el estudio realizado de esa manera, se analizaron las sucesivas l��neas de acci��n estrat��gica de la diplomacia de Brasil en la historia reciente, se identificaron sus orientaciones tradicionales, as�� como los cambios de direcci��n que fueron incorporados de manera de seguir un curso coherente y continuo respecto a los grandes objetivos de la política exterior del pa��s.

The EU as a security provider in its neighbourhood: the case of non-proliferation of WMD in the Mediterranean area

As a consequence of the terrorist attacks of 9/11 and the US-led war against Iraq, WMD and their proliferation have become a central element of the EU security agenda. In December 2003, the European Council adopted even a EU Strategy against Proliferation of WMD. The approach adopted in this Strategy can be largely described as a ���cooperative security provider��� approach and is based on effective multilateralism, the promotion of a stable international and regional environment and the cooperation with key partners. The principal objective of this paper is to examine in how far the EU has actually implemented the ���cooperative security provider��� approach in the area which the Non-proliferation Strategy identifies as one of its priorities ��� the Mediterranean. Focusing on the concept of security interdependence, the paper analyses first the various WMD dangers with which the EU is confronted in the Mediterranean area. Afterwards, it examines how the EU has responded to these hazards in the framework of the Barcelona process and, in particular, the new European Neighbourhood Policy. It is argued that despite its relatively powerful rhetoric, the EU has largely failed, for a wide range of reasons, to apply effectively its non-proliferation approach in the Mediterranean area and, thus, to become a successful security provider.

When ESDP confronts ENP: security sector reform as a bridge in the EU���s foreign policy

The European Neighbourhood Policy���s birth has taken place in parallel with the renewed momentum of the European Security and Defence Policy, which has launched 14 operations since 2003. Both policies��� instruments have converged in the neighbouring area covered by ENP: Georgia, in the East and the Palestinian Territories in the South. In both cases, the Security Sector Reform strategies have been the main focus for ESDP and an important objective for ENP. In this paper, two objectives are pursued: first, to assess the EU���s involvement in both cases in SSR terms; and second, to analyse whether the convergence of ESDP operations with a broader EU neighbourhood policy implies that the former has become an instrument for the a EU external action.

Learning the ropes and embracing the rules: CFSP institutions as arenas for learning and strategic socialisation

The aim of this article is to analyse those situations in which learning and socialisation take place within the context of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), in particular, at the level of experts in the Council Working Groups. Learning can explain the institutional development of CFSP and changes in the foreign policies of the Member States. Some scope conditions for learning and channels of institutionalisation are identified. Socialisation, resulting from learning within a group, is perceived as a strategic action by reflective actors. National diplomats, once they arrive in Brussels, learn the new code of conduct of their Working Groups. They are embedded in two environments and faced with two logics: the European one in the Council and the national one in the Ministries of Foreign Affairs (MFA). The empirical evidence supports the argument that neither rational nor sociological approaches alone can account for these processes.

EU foreign policy towards Georgia: just for energy?

The paper analyses how the EU foreign policy towards Georgia changed after the Rose Revolution, reaching greater levels of involvement and assistance. It is argued that the pro-western and reformist new government in Georgia triggered a new orientation in the EU foreign policy towards the country based on a logic of appropriateness, that is EU��s values, in addition to energy interests. Comparative analysis in the Southern-Caucasus and other Eastern-European countries shows how reformist and pro-EU governments receive more EU support and assistance. This does not mean that material interest do not play an important role. However, the EU seems to be coherent with its values when regarding the European neighbourhood.

Nuclear Weapons as Symbols. The Role of Norms in Nuclear Policy Making

Throughout history, nuclear weapons have been considered to be the ultimate weapons. This understanding largely detached them from the portfolio of conventional military means and assigned them a symbolic meaning that influenced the identity and norms creation of nations. In most countries today, the development of nuclear weapons is considered morally prohibitive, incompatible with a country���s identity and international outlook. In some states, however, these negative norms are overridden by a positive set of norms, causing nuclear weapons to become either symbols of invulnerability to perceived threats or the regalia of major power status. Main purpose of this paper is to explore on the conditions that cause most states to develop a moral aversion to nuclear weapons, yet effectively lead to their glorification in others. Many studies on the normative understanding of nuclear weapons consider the existence of a negative normative predisposition, often referred to as ���nuclear taboo���, as a major factor in preventing their acquisition and use. Other studies acknowledge the existence of a nuclear taboo inhibiting the use of nuclear weapons, but point to the existence of the opposing effect of norms, frequently referred to as the ���nuclear myth���, when it comes to the acquisition of nuclear weapons. This myth emerges when certain symbolic meanings are attached to nuclear weapons, such as a state���s identity, self-image, and its desired position in the international system. With 180 odd countries in the world abstaining from the acquisition of nuclear weapons and 8 countries in possession of them (with two further countries assumed to have pursued their acquisition), one might consider the dominance of the nuclear taboo over the nuclear myth to be the rule. The core question is thus why and how this relationship reversed in the case of defectors.

Cumbre de Viena: energ��a, polarizaci��n y b��squeda de liderazgos

La IV Cumbre Uni��n Europea ��� Am��rica Latina y el Caribe (UE-ALC), celebrada en Viena los d��as 11, 12 y 13 de mayo, estuvo marcada por una creciente polarizaci��n interna latinoamericana, por los problemas europeos para definir un liderazgo sobre el futuro del proyecto de integraci��n y por la crisis global de energ��a.

The Role of the European Union in the Processes to Ban Cluster Munitions

At the end of 2008 the Convention on Cluster Munitions (CCM) that outlawed almost all types of cluster munitions was signed. It was the product of the so-called Oslo process, which had been set up two years earlier as a reaction to the failure to add a new protocol banning cluster munitions to the Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons (CCW). The position of the EU in these two processes was ambivalent: on the one hand it belonged to the strongest proponents for a new protocol within the CCW, but on the other hand the member states were in general not able to act jointly in the Oslo Process. According to this working paper especially the aspect of national security and the related relationship to the United States influenced the stances of many member states and complicated the formation of a common European position. There were common normative values of the EU detected, which played a role in the CCW, but they were only secondary to other interests of the member states.

La Capacidad actual de Espa��a para liderar la posici��n europea hacia Cuba

Aquest treball t�� per objecte analitzar quina ��s la capacitat actual del govern espanyol per liderar les pol��tiques europees respecte a Cuba. El per��ode escollit per a la realitzaci�� d'aquest examen s'inicia l'any 2004, moment en qu�� el PSOE es va fer amb la vict��ria en les eleccions generals i en qu�� va anunciar un canvi de rumb en l'acci�� exterior espanyola respecte de la postura promoguda pel PP en els mandats anteriors, i es perllonga fins al moment actual. El balan�� dels ��xits i fracassos obtinguts pel govern socialista fins ara, mostra una creixent p��rdua d'influ��ncia d'Espanya, davant etapes anteriors, si tradicional paper d'interlocutor avantatjat de la UE pel que fa a Cuba. la concurr��ncia de factors com l'adhesi�� dels PECO a la UE, la capacitat de la Havana per procurar nous aliats i socis estrat��gics o les innovacions introdu��des pel tractat de Lisboa en mat��ria d'acci�� exterior, ha augmentat significativament les dificultats d'Espanya per "europe��tzar" els interessos de la seva política exterior pel que fa a l'Illa