Gender, identity, and the security state: The politics of international drug trafficking

This dissertation examined how United States illicit drug control policy, often commonly referred to as the "war on drugs," contributes to the reproduction of gendered and racialized social relations. Specifically, it analyzed the identity producing practices of United States illicit drug control policy as it relates to the construction of U.S. identities. ^ Drawing on the theoretical contributions of feminist postpositivists, three cases of illicit drug policy practice were discussed. In the first case, discourse analysis was employed to examine recent debates (1986-2005) in U.S. Congressional Hearings about the proper understanding of the illicit drug "threat." The analysis showed how competing policy positions are tied to differing understandings of proper masculinity and the role of policymakers as protectors of the national interest. Utilizing critical visual methodologies, the second case examined a public service media campaign circulated by the Office of National Drug Control Policy that tied the "war on drugs" with another security concern in the U.S., the "war on terror." This case demonstrated how the media campaign uses messages about race, masculinity, and femininity to produce privileged notions of state identity and proper citizenship. The third case examined the gendered politics of drug interdiction at the U.S. border. Using qualitative research methodologies including semi-structured interviews and participant observation, it examined how gender is produced through drug interdiction at border sites like Miami International Airport. By paying attention to the discourse that circulates about women drug couriers, it showed how gender is normalized in a national security setting. ^ What this dissertation found is that illicit drug control policy takes the form it does because of the politics of gender and racial identity and that, as a result, illicit drug policy is implicated in the reproduction of gender and racial inequities. It concluded that a more socially conscious and successful illicit drug policy requires an awareness of the gendered and racialized assumptions that inform and shape policy practices.^

Using the Big -Five personality factors in the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory, California Psychological Inventory, and Inwald Personality Inventory to predict police performance

The purpose of this study was to determine the degree to which the Big-Five personality taxonomy, as represented by the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory (MMPI), California Psychological Inventory (CPI), and Inwald Personality Inventory (IPI) scales, predicted a variety of police officer job performance criteria. Data were collected archivally for 270 sworn police officers from a large Southeastern municipality. Predictive data consisted of scores on the MMPI, CPI, and IPI scales as grouped in terms of the Big-Five factors. The overall score on the Wonderlic was included in order to assess criterion variance accounted for by cognitive ability. Additionally, a psychologist's overall rating of predicted job fit was utilized to assess the variance accounted for by a psychological interview. Criterion data consisted of supervisory ratings of overall job performance, State Examination scores, police academy grades, and termination. Based on the literature, it was hypothesized that officers who are higher on Extroversion, Conscientiousness, Agreeableness, Openness to Experience, and lower on Neuroticism, otherwise known as the Big-Five factors, would outperform their peers across a variety of job performance criteria. Additionally, it was hypothesized that police officers who are higher in cognitive ability and masculinity, and lower in mania would also outperform their counterparts. Results indicated that many of the Big-Five factors, namely, Neuroticism, Conscientiousness, Agreeableness, and Openness to Experience, were predictive of several of the job performance criteria. Such findings imply that the Big-Five is a useful predictor of police officer job performance. Study limitations and implications for future research are discussed. ^

La representacion de la masculinidad y la violencia de genero en la novela Espanola de la posguerra

While it may be argued that aggression against women is part of a culture of violence deeply rooted in Spanish society, the gender-related violence that exists in today’s Spain is more specifically a legacy of Franco’s dictatorship (1939-1975). Franco’s Spain endorsed unequal gender relations, championed patriarchal dominance and power over women, and imposed models of hegemonic and authoritarian masculinities that internalized violence by rendering it a feature inseparable from manhood and virility. ^ This dissertation provides a comprehensive analysis of masculinity and gender violence in Franco’s Spain, by analyzing the novel as the primary cultural vehicle of social criticism and political dissent against the new regime during a period (1939-1962) dominated by silence and censorship. The first part of this work defines and elucidates the concepts of masculinity and gender violence and the relationship between them. It also compares the significant social and cultural achievements of Spanish women during the Second Republic (1931-1939) with the reactionary curbing of those achievements during Francoism. The second part of this research presents a multidisciplinary analysis of masculinity and gender violence in three novels: Nada (1944) by Carmen Laforet, Juegos de manos (1954) by Juan Goytisolo and Tiempo de silencio (1962) by Luis Martin Santos. ^ Through the literary representation of different models of masculinity and the psychological and social parameters that encourage and incite gender violence, these authors conceptualize and express their political ideology, as well as their symbolic interpretation of Francoist Spain.^

Estratégias de promoção da saúde a partir da escola e da Unidade Básica de Saúde da Família, em Uberlândia (MG)

Health promotion is opposed directly to the biomedical model and established by intersectoral action, with collective and interdisciplinary approaches, considering the subject in their life contexts. Build healthy territories is to promote health, which necessarily includes intersectoral coordination and community mobilization. The health and education sectors can work together to promote health, developing so articulate actions and practices involving the subject in its territory of life and work. This study aimed to design and experience of health promotion strategies in school and Basic Health Units Family in Uberlândia - MG, from intersectoral relationship and community mobilization. The methodological research route was action research, or research intervention, because while researching already applied the ideas to solve problems through collective action. The research began in the Municipal School of Basic Education Prof. Eurico Silva, with the Health Centre's deployment to carry out surveillance and health promotion with active participation of students, involving all subjects of the school, students, teachers and other staff in the context of everyday life, which extrapolates the school walls, reaching the family and social groups in the community to which they belong. The health observatory has the objective existence with the establishment of the working groups, which at first were "healthy eating" and "drug-free world" and later, "dengue". The themes were chosen by the participants of the Health Centre, in which each is involved preferably. The second part of the research started with the approach between the Centre for Health and the health units (UBS and BFHU). The proposal was that the schools and the health nurse unit together should undertake prevention and health promotion, combating Aedes aegypti with intersectoral coordination and community mobilization. For it was crucial the involvement of ACS, ACE, ASE and the nurse coordinator of the Health Unit in creating community networks in the territory. home visits, community mobilization and intersectoral coordination: a training course in all BFHU and UBS teams with the following subjects was conducted. At this stage, were the Health Units that should approach the schools, in order to provide community networks to fight Aedes aegypti in each territory. The results and the scope of this experiment could only be brought to fruition because the Board of Health Surveillance and Care Coordination council of Basic embraced the proposal and helped in its implementation. It remains to continue consolidating this process of work in health units of primary care and the elementary schools, replicate the Health Centre's experience at school. The conclusion of this work is that schools and care facilities to health together with intersectoral coordination and community mobilization supported by community networks, can carry out prevention and health promotion, from a health model that considers the social determinants of health and overcoming hygienist model / sanitarian.

'It's All for Girls': re-visitng the gender gap in New Age spiritualities

Peer reviewed

'It's All for Girls': re-visitng the gender gap in New Age spiritualities

Peer reviewed

The Politics of Gender Socialization

This manuscript is comprised of three papers that examine the far-reaching and often invisible political outcomes of gender role socialization in the United States. These papers focus primarily on two areas: political confidence amongst girls and women, and the effects of gender on survey measurement and data quality.

Chapter one focuses on political confidence, and the likelihood that women will run for political office. Women continue to be underrepresented at all levels of political leadership, and their lack of political ambition, relative to men, has been identified as a primary cause. In this paper, I explore the relationship between an individual's masculinity and femininity and her development of political ambition. Using original survey data from the 2012 Cooperative Congressional Election Study (CCES), I first empirically demonstrate that gender (masculinity/femininity) and sex (male/female) are unique elements of identity and, moreover, are both independently related to political ambition. I then explore the relevance of gender for the study of candidate emergence, testing whether and how masculinity and femininity might be related to political ambition are supported empirically. While the results suggest that masculinity is positively associated with the development of political ambition, the relationship between femininity and candidate emergence seems to be more complicated and not what prevailing stereotypes might lead us to expect. Moreover, while the relationship between masculinity and political ambition is the same for men and women, the relationship between femininity and political ambition is very different for women than it is for men. This study suggests that gender role socialization is highly related with both men's and women's desire to seek positions of political leadership.

Chapter two continues this exploration of gendered differences in the development of political ambition, this time exploring how social attractiveness and gendered perceptions of political leadership impact the desire to hold political office.Women are persistently underrepresented as candidates for public office and remain underrepresented at all levels of government in the United States. Previous literature suggests that the gendered ambition gap, gender socialization, insufficient recruitment, media scrutiny, family responsibilities, modern campaign strategies, and political opportunity structures all contribute to the gender imbalance in pools of officeholders and candidates. To explain women's reticence to run, scholars have offered explanations addressing structural, institutional, and individual-level factors that deter women from becoming candidates, especially for high positions in the U.S. government. This paper examines a previously unexplored factor: how dating and socialized norms of sexual attraction affect political ambition. This study investigates whether young, single, and heterosexual women's desire for male attention and fear of being perceived as unattractive or "too ambitious" present obstacles to running for office. The results of these experiments suggest that social expectations about gender, attraction and sexuality, and political office-holding may contribute to women's reticence to pursue political leadership. Chapter two is a co-authored work and represents the joint efforts of Laura Lazarus Frankel, Shauna Shames, and Nadia Farjood.

Chapter 3 bridges survey methodology and gender socialization, focusing on how interviewer sex affects survey measurement and data quality. Specifically, this paper examines whether and how matching interviewer and respondent sex affects panel attrition--respondents dropping out of the study after participating in the first wave. While the majority of research on interviewer effects suggests that matching interviewer and respondent characteristics (homophily) yields higher quality data, little work has examined whether this pattern holds true in the area of panel attrition. Using paradata from the General Social Survey (GSS), I explore this question. My analysis reveals that, despite its broader positive effects on data quality, matching interviewer and respondent sex increases likelihood to attrit. Interestingly, this phenomenon only emerges amongst male respondents. However, while assigning female interviewers to male respondents decreases their propensity to attrit, it also increases the likelihood of biased responses on gender related items. These conflicting outcomes represent a tradeoff for scholars and survey researchers, requiring careful consideration of mode, content, and study goals when designing surveys and/or analyzing survey data. The implications of these patterns and areas for further research are discussed.

Together, these papers illustrate two ways that gender norms are related to political outcomes: they contribute to patterns of candidate emergence and affect the measurement of political attitudes and behaviors.

"On our way": identities and representations of African women seeking asylum in Ireland

This thesis provides the first explicit Postcolonial study of asylum in the Irish context that integrates Black Feminist analyses of intersectional identity with Postcolonial Feminist theories of representation. African women seeking asylum in the Republic of Ireland were key political instruments used by the state to re-draw racial lines. The study examines how, for a group of African women “On their Way” through asylum, identity and representation work hand in hand to force identities, subaltern spaces and bodies to occupy them. Rich biographical data is gathered through mixed art and drama methods over two intensive participatory research projects conducted in a small Irish city. Data analysis critically examines the poetics (practices that signify) and politics (the powers that govern these practices) and affective economies of global and local NGO visual representations, exposing how they consume, fragment, and appropriate African women’s identities and bodies. Though hypervisible, the women themselves “cannot speak”. The women in the study reported feeling “tired” and “used”. Asking “What work are they doing as they do asylum?” the study finds that black female identities and bodies are forced to perform political, cultural, emotional and material labour on their way through this context of Irish asylum. The author argues that Postcolonial Asylum is a performative encounter that re-scripts colonial race/class/gender discourse through a humanitarian alibi to naturalize European/white supremacy, reinscribe patriarchal power and justify racialised incarceration of bodies seeking asylum in the North. This study takes an interdisciplinary approach that centralizes Black and Postcolonial Feminist theory and innovates Participatory Art-Based Action methodology. Black and Postcolonial feminisms can recognize, theorize and replenish black female political and intellectual agency. Participatory Action research, if grounded in Black feminist epistemology and ethics, can allow participants to “speak back” to what is already said about them in spaces of convivial self-representation.

Le mariage forcé de femmes immigrantes au Québec

Cette thèse a pour objet de comprendre la question du mariage forcé vécu par des femmes immigrantes vivant au Québec et, les réponses politiques, législatives et sociales qu’on y apporte. De façon plus spécifique, il s’agit de mettre à jour la diversité des situations et des significations que recouvre la notion de mariage forcé pour tenter d’en dégager des éléments de définition et de compréhension. La thèse vise également à identifier les conséquences spécifiques qui découlent d’un mariage forcé pour les femmes immigrantes vivant au Québec, et enfin, d’analyser les réponses politiques, législatives et sociales visant le mariage forcé au Canada et au Québec afin de prévenir, dépister et d’en protéger ses victimes en contexte interculturel. S’appuyant sur un corpus de dix entrevues avec des femmes immigrantes vivant, ayant vécu ou menacées d’un mariage forcé et de dix-huit informateurs clés intervenant auprès d’elles et provenant de différents milieux de pratique (police, justice, santé services sociaux et communautaires), une analyse intersectionnelle a permis de révéler toute la complexité des mariages forcés due notamment aux interrelations entre des systèmes d’oppression et des vulnérabilités multiples. La recension des écrits et nos résultats indiquent que certains éléments caractérisent les mariages forcés. Premièrement, la préservation de l’honneur patriarcal qui problématise et contrôle le comportement des femmes en ce qui à trait notamment à leur vie sexuelle, mais aussi sociale. Deuxièmement, le fait que le mariage forcé soit un moyen de poursuivre des intérêts plus souvent collectifs qu’individuels. Dimension collective qui devra nécessairement être prise en considération lors des solutions à apporter à cette problématique. Troisièmement, le rôle des femmes (mères, belles-mères et autres femmes de la communauté culturelle d’appartenance) dans l’arrangement des mariages, mais également dans la surveillance et le contrôle de tous les faits et gestes des autres femmes. i Quatrièmement, le potentiel d’agresseurs multiples, y compris la communauté elle-même, dans les actes de violence commis avant, pendant et, le cas échéant, après le mariage. Une autre dimension qui devra elle aussi être prise en compte lors de l’inter- vention. Cinquièmement, le potentiel d’exploitation sexuelle (viol conjugal, grossesses forcées), physique (mauvais traitements, blessures), psychologique (pressions, manipulations) ou encore économique (travail forcé, privation d’autonomie financière). L’ensemble de ces résultats a permis de cerner certains besoins liés à l’intervention, en terme de prévention, de dépistage et de protection des victimes de mariage forcé.

BROMANCE : les paradoxes des stratégies homosociales.

Depuis les années 2000, l’apparition du terme Bromance marque la culture populaire américaine. Cette notion est apparue pour définir les amitiés entre hommes au cinéma, à la télévision et sur Internet. Les films de Bromance, caractérisés par une multitude de scènes de déclaration d’amour entre hommes, traduisent bien cette nouvelle façon d’aborder l’amitié au masculin. À travers les définitions de la masculinité dans ces films, l’enjeu de l’hétérosexualité demeure omniprésent. Malgré la fragilisation de certains stéréotypes traditionnels liés au masculin, il n’en demeure pas moins que la notion de «vraie» masculinité persiste et demeure systématiquement liée à l’hétérosexualité des hommes qui partagent cette amitié particulière qu’on appelle Bromance. Dans cette optique, plusieurs stratégies se manifestent pour prouver la masculinité et donc l’hétérosexualité des protagonistes, mais l’une d’entre elles semble être au cœur de ces films. Cette stratégie s’incarne sous la forme d’une compétition entre hommes qui mise sur la capacité à performer un acte conventionnellement associé à l’homosexualité. Sur Internet, des vidéos qui prennent le nom « Gay Chicken » présentent des hommes qui s’embrassent et qui se touchent sans être dérangés ou ébranlés. C’est la capacité à être calme et en contrôle en restant insensible au corps d’un autre homme qui démontrerait le côté inébranlable de son hétérosexualité et donc de sa masculinité. C’est cet esprit du « Gay Chicken » qui se retrouve un peu partout dans l’univers des films de Bromance. Paradoxalement, ces nouveaux «modèles» d’homme doivent pouvoir à la fois incarner une masculinité plus flexible, plus ouverte et sensible, mais doivent également prouver leur virilité. Cette « masculinité contemporaine » brouille les cartes entre ce qui est viril et ce qui ne l’est pas, entre ce qui est féminin et ce qui ne l’est pas et entre ce qui est homosexuel et ce qui ne l’est pas. Les relations homosociales dans le cadre de Bromances présentent alors des opportunités indispensables pour prouver à tous la force de son hétérosexualité. Ce travail de recherche se penchera donc plus précisément sur les paradoxes d’une « masculinité contemporaine » intimement liée à l’orientation hétérosexuelle, par l’entremise de certains films issus de la culture populaire américaine associée à la Bromance. L’objectif est de montrer comment ces films sont des manifestations significatives d’une nouvelle forme d’affirmation identitaire masculine qui passe par des relations homosociales où les tensions et sous-textes homosexuels se multiplient et doivent être réprimés ou invalidés continuellement.

Claves de la ciudadanía política femenina en la primera mitad del siglo XX en Argentina

En este artículo, se exploran algunos hechos que jalonaron la edificación de la Argentina y configuraron dispositivos centrales para la construcción de los sexos en la primera mitad del siglo XX. En ese camino, se examinan cambios y continuidades en la construcción de la ciudadanía política femenina. Desde una perspectiva de género, se subraya las diferentes imposiciones legales e institucionales asociadas a la masculinidad y a la feminidad de las prácticas sociales. El problema central, en ese sentido, se vincula con la definición de las mujeres como sujeto e individuo

Claves de la ciudadanía política femenina en la primera mitad del siglo XX en Argentina

En este artículo, se exploran algunos hechos que jalonaron la edificación de la Argentina y configuraron dispositivos centrales para la construcción de los sexos en la primera mitad del siglo XX. En ese camino, se examinan cambios y continuidades en la construcción de la ciudadanía política femenina. Desde una perspectiva de género, se subraya las diferentes imposiciones legales e institucionales asociadas a la masculinidad y a la feminidad de las prácticas sociales. El problema central, en ese sentido, se vincula con la definición de las mujeres como sujeto e individuo

Claves de la ciudadanía política femenina en la primera mitad del siglo XX en Argentina

En este artículo, se exploran algunos hechos que jalonaron la edificación de la Argentina y configuraron dispositivos centrales para la construcción de los sexos en la primera mitad del siglo XX. En ese camino, se examinan cambios y continuidades en la construcción de la ciudadanía política femenina. Desde una perspectiva de género, se subraya las diferentes imposiciones legales e institucionales asociadas a la masculinidad y a la feminidad de las prácticas sociales. El problema central, en ese sentido, se vincula con la definición de las mujeres como sujeto e individuo

Fleshing Out and Losing Flesh: The Decomposing Corpse as Narrative Object in American Hardboiled Detective Fiction

This dissertation examines the corpse as an object in and of American hardboiled detective fiction written between 1920 and 1950. I deploy several theoretical frames, including narratology, body-as-text theory, object relations theory, and genre theory, in order to demonstrate the significance of objects, symbols, and things primarily in the clever and crafty work of Dashiell Hammett (1894-1961) and Raymond Chandler (1888-1959), but also touching on the writings of their lesser known accomplices. I construct a literary genealogy of American hardboiled detective fiction originating in the writings of Edgar Allan Poe, compare the contributions of classic or Golden Age detective fiction in England, and describe the socio-economic contexts, particularly the predominance of the “pulps,” that gave birth to the realism of the Hardboiled School. Taking seriously Chandler’s obsession with the art of murder, I engage with how authors pre-empt their readers’ knowledge of the tricks of the trade and manipulate their expectations, as well as discuss the characteristics and effect of the inimitable hardboiled style, its sharpshooting language and deadpan humour. Critical scholarship has rarely addressed the body and figure of the corpse, preferring to focus instead on the machinations of the femme fatale, the performance of masculinity, or the prevalence of violence. I cast new light on the world of hardboiled detective fiction by dissecting the corpse as the object that both motivates and de-composes (or rots away from) the narrative that makes it signify. I treat the corpse as an inanimate object, indifferent to representation, that destabilizes the integrity and self-possession, as well as the ratiocination, of the detective who authors the narrative of how the corpse came to be. The corpse is all deceptive and dangerous surface rather than the container of hidden depths of life and meaning that the detective hopes to uncover and reconstruct. I conclude with a chapter that is both critical denouement and creative writing experiment to reveal the self-reflexive (and at times metafictional) dimensions of hardboiled fiction. My dissertation, too, in the manner of hardboiled fiction, hopes to incriminate my readers as much as enlighten them.