978 resultados para Illinois Green Government Coordinating Council.
Resumo:
The green movement has evolved over the last twenty years from various social, peace and ecology activist organizations into direct political participation in parliamentary institutions through the Green Party. Although there is no definable theory of green politics, the culmination of interacting social movements as well as feminist, decentralist and in many cases, left wing political ideology, has produced a specific kind of political direction for the Greens internationally. As a result of the increased a ttention and awareness given to ecological issues , combined with the heightened evidence of large scale environmental deterioration, public attitudes and government decisions on development and natural resource management have been significantly altered. The Green Party of Canada is still r elatively young in comparison to its European counterparts, although ecologica l awareness and interest in t he green movement in Canada is strong, as reflected not only in support on a political level for the Canadian Greens I but for environmental issues and a ctivism in general. For this reason it s important to determine whether or not the Green Party is a significant aspect of the Canadian green movement, and if in fact its representation is necessary as an active participant in the Canadian political system . The Green Party of Canada, as a vital aspect of the Canadian green movement, and its connection to international green organizations can be examined primarily through the examp l es of both the Canadian Greens and the Green party of Ontario , by using original party documents and literature, information gained through Green party meetings and discussions with members, and commentary by Green theorists where app licable. As well, the influence on the Canadian green movement by the German Green Party is outlined , again mainly through party literature, documents and critiques of the party's experiences. This study reveals several existing and potential problems fo r t he Green Party in Canada, and the political fut ure of the Canadian green movement in general. Some, such as the real i ties of the Canadian political system are external to the movement, and may be overcome with adjustments in goals and methods, and a realization of the changing attitude towards environmental issues in a political context . On the other hand, internal party disfunctions in both organization and direction, caused mainly by the indefinite parameters of green ideology, threaten to exploit the already problematic aspects evident in t he Green Party . Aside from its somewhat slow beginnings, the Green Party in Canada has developed into a strong grassroots social movement, not however from its political visibility but from the steady growth in the popul ari ty of ecological pol i t ics in Canada. Due to the seeming enormity of the obstacles facing the Greens in their effort 4 to achieve electoral success, it is doubtful that Parliamentary representation will be achieved without a major re-orientation of party organization and methods. UI timately the strength of the Green Party in Canada will be based upon its ability to survive as a significant movement, and its willingness to continue to challenge political thought and practice.
Resumo:
The following thesis presents an analysis of business-government relations within a neo-Marxist framework. Specifically, the discussion encompasses how the business interest group. the Business Council on National Issues, maintains consensus and unity amongst its monopoly capital members. Furthermore. the study elaborates on the process through which the group's interests are acknowledged and legitimized by the state under the "public interest" f8fue. Most of the literature pertaining to business-government relations within the context of interactions between business interest groups and the state, and such specific branches of the state as the government and/or the civil service. emphasize a liberal-pluralist perspective. Essentially, these writings serve to reflect and legitimate the current slatus quo. Marxist discourses on the subject, while attempting to transcend the liberal-pluralist framework. nevertheless suffer from either economic determinism .. ie., stressing the state's accumulation function but not its legitimation function or historical specificity. A cogent and comprehensive neo-Marxist analysis of business-government relations must discuss both the accumulation and legitimation functions of the state. The process by which the concerns of a particular business interest group become part of the state's policy agenda and subsequently are formulated and implemented into policies which legitimate its dominance is also studied. This inquiry is significant given the liberal-pluralist assumptions of a neutral state and that all interest groups compete "on a level playing field". The author's neo-Marxist paradigm rejects both of these assumptions. Building on concepts from nea-Marxist instrumentalism. structuralism. state monopoly capitalism, and forms and functions of the state perspectives. the author proposes that policies which legitimize the interests of the monopoly capital fraction cannot. be discerned only from the state's activities. per StJ. Clearly, if the liberal-pluralist 3 contention of multiple and conflicting interest groups, including those within the capitalist class, is taken at face value, M interest group such as the Business Council on National Issues (BCND, must somehow maintain. internal consensus Md unity amongst its members. Internal consensus amongst its members ensures that the state can better acknowledge and articulate its concerns into policies that maintain hegemonic dominance of the monopoly capital fraction under the "public interest" fllf.JJdq. The author contends that the BCNI focuses most of its interactions on the upper echelons of the civil service since it is this branch of the state which is most responsible for policy formulation and implementation. The author's paradigm is applied within the context of extensively analyzing newspaper coverage. BCN! publications, and other published sources, as well as a personal interview with an executive administrative member of the BeNI. The discussion focuses on how agreement and unity amongst the various interests of the monopoly capital fraction are maintained through the business organization, its policy scope, and finally its interactions with the state. The analysis suggests that while the civil service is an important player in expressing the interests of the BCNI's membership through policies which ostensibly also reflect the "public interest", it is not the only strategic target for the BCNI's interactions with the state. The author's research also highlights the importance of government officials at the Cabinet level and Cabinet Committees. Senior elected officials from the Federal government are also significant in avoiding intergovernmental or interprovincial conflict in implementing policies that legitimize hegemonic dominance of the monopoly capital fraction over other fractions and classes.
Resumo:
The Lincoln County Historical Council began meeting December 17,1960 under the advisement of the Publicity, Planning and Development Committee of Lincoln County. The group was composed of three members appointed from each of the four existing historical societies: one member appointed from the executive of the Women’s Institute, one member from Lincoln County Council, the Deputy-Clerk and Treasurer of the County and a member from the Niagara Editorial Bureau. The Welland County Historical Council was soon formed after this along the same lines. In the early 1960’s the Lincoln and Welland County historical councils began work on an inventory of historic buildings with the intent to emphasize the historical significance of this area. The information gathered by volunteers and a professional photographer and an architect was used to present a “brief” to the federal government in 1962 and the provincial government in 1963. This brief, An Area of Historical Interest in the Counties of Lincoln and Welland, Ontario was published in 1962 and revised and distributed to schools and libraries in the area in 1965. The Ontario Buildings Inventory Project became a provincial initiative spearheaded by the Department of Public Records and Archives, a branch of the Department of Tourism and Information, ca. 1966. Volunteers collected and photographed buildings of historical interest in Lincoln and Welland counties. This information was recorded on standardized survey forms for every township in the Niagara region. Niagara Regional Historical Council was created with the merger of Lincoln County Historical Council and Welland County Historical Council, at the time of the formation of Niagara Regional Government in 1970. The first meeting of the new council was held January 1970.
Resumo:
The St. Catharines and District Labour Council was founded in May 1957 by unionized workers from St. Catharines, Thorold, Merritton, Port Dalhousie and Grimsby. They sought to improve the social and economic welfare of workers; promote the organization of workers into unions for their mutual benefit, regardless of race, creed, colour, or national origin; encourage the sale of union-made goods and services; promote worker education; provide workers with a voice in politics; and safeguard the democratic nature of the labour movement. The Council, affiliated with both the Canadian Labour Congress and the Ontario Federation of Labour, was instrumental in assisting local workers with their labour disputes, including Canadian Pulp and Paper workers at Abitibi Provincial Paper in Thorold [1975-76], and Gallaher Paper [1999], workers at the St. Catharines Eaton’s store [1985], as well as smaller disputes such as that between the part-time secretarial staff and the Welland County Roman Catholic Separate School Board [1972] and workers of the Skyway Lumber Company [1972]. The Council also assisted the community at large by offering a Community Counseling Service [1971-1976] to help citizens with issues concerning various government agencies, social services and Acts, such as the Vacation Pay Act, Landlord and Tenant Act, Employment Standards Act, unemployment insurance claims and workman’s compensation claims. Other projects that the Council organized included an annual Education Institute [1958-1965] and the annual publication of Labour Review, a summary of the Councils past year. The Labour Council continued to operate until 2010, when several local Labour Councils merged to form the Niagara Regional Labour Council.
Resumo:
A correspondence between Ian Green and Sean O'Sullivan from July 1977. The first letter is from 4 July 1977 from Sean O'Sullivan, titled "The Nation's Business". He requests a discussion about "Caucus morale". O'Sullivan requests that Joe Clark individually acknowledge members of the party and say "a few words about how proud he is of the men and women who form the P.C. Caucus, and how well they represent the country--moreover, how well they are prepared to help form the next Government." A response from Ian Green (Legislative Assistant) is positive and he forwards the memo to Jodi White, Director of Communications.
Resumo:
Transport of live aquatic organisms which is more than a century old, perhaps started in the 1870's (Norris et al, 1960). Live fish transportation is an essential practice in aquaculture particularly in rural areas of developing countries representing the only means of supplying fry to small scale aqua culturists (Taylor and Ross, 1988). Very often, large numbers of fry, fingerlings, juveniles and adult fish are being transported from the hatchery to fish farms, fish farms to market, processors and consumers. Live fish command large economic importance in the fresh fish market than dead and iced fish. Medina Pizzali (2001) observed that live fish in the Kolkata market was usually sold at higher prices than dead fish and most consumers were prepared to pay premium prices for live fish, which is considered as the best guarantee of freshness, quality, and intrinsic characteristics of its flesh (better texture and delicate flavour) in comparison with fresh/chilled seafood. Various government and private agencies undertake transport of live fish for commercial live fish market or for artificial propagation of game
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La obsolescencia programada es el deseo de tener algo un poco más nuevo, un poco mejor, un poco más rápido de lo necesario. El texto estudia este fenómeno a la luz del Estatuto del Consumidor – Ley 1480 de 2011 para determinar si el consumidor colombiano está suficientemente protegido con él.
Resumo:
El objetivo de este trabajo de investigación es analizar el cambio de la política económica y comercial mexicana en Asia Pacífico, mediante la implementación de la diplomacia económica de 2000 a 2012. Para ello, se identificaron dos factores claves. El primero, se deriva del traspaso de poder de un partido a otro; el segundo está dado por el ascenso de las economías de Asia Pacífico y su desempeño en la arquitectura económica y financiera global. Asimismo, se determinó cómo ha sido el proceso de implementación de la diplomacia económica, por parte del Estado mexicano, teniendo como referente la teoría de la interdependencia compleja, propuesta por Robert Keohane y Joseph Nye. Finalmente, se analizaron los aspectos que resultaron de la implementación de la diplomacia económica, como acuerdos comerciales, memorándum de entendimiento, entre otros.
Resumo:
Objetivo: Recientemente, se han propuesto varios dispositivos de impedancia bioeléctrica (BIA) para la estimación rápida de la grasa corporal. Sin embargo, no han sido publicadas referencias de grasa corporal para niños y adolescentes en población Colombiana. El objetivo de este estudio fue establecer percentiles de grasa corporal por BIA en niños y adolescentes de Bogotá, Colombia de entre 9 y 17.9 años, pertenecientes al estudio FUPRECOL. Métodos: Estudio descriptivo y transversal, realizado en 2.526 niños y 3.324 adolescentes de entre 9 y 17.9 años de edad, pertenecientes a instituciones educativas oficiales de Bogotá, Colombia. El porcentaje de grasa corporal fue medido con Tanita® Analizador de Composición Corporal (Modelo BF-689), según edad y sexo. Se tomaron medidas de peso, talla, circunferencia de cintura, circunferencia de cadera y estado de maduración sexual por auto-reporte. Se calcularon los percentiles (P3, P10, P25, P50, P75, P90 y P97) y curvas centiles por el método LMS según sexo y edad y se realizó una comparación entre los valores de la CC observados con estándares internacionales. Resultados: Se presentan valores de porcentaje de grasa corporal y las curvas de percentiles. En la mayoría de los grupos etáreos la grasa corporal de las chicas fue mayor a la de los chicos. Sujetos cuyo porcentaje de grasa corporal estaba por encima del percentil 90 de la distribución estándar normal se consideró que tenían un elevado riesgo cardiovascular (chicos desde 23,4-28,3 y chicas desde 31,0-34,1). En general, nuestros porcentajes de grasa corporal fueron inferiores a los valores de Turquía, Alemania, Grecia, España y Reino Unido. Conclusiones: Se presentan percentiles del porcentaje de grasa por BIA según edad y sexo que podrán ser usados de referencia en la evaluación del estado nutricional y en la predicción del riesgo cardiovascular desde edades tempranas.
Resumo:
This paper explores the role of local government in urban regeneration in England. The first part describes local-central government relations during recent decades. It concludes that 'actually occurring' regeneration fuses top-down and bottom-up priorities and preferences, as well as path dependencies created by past decisions and local relations. The second part illustrates this contention by examining the regeneration of inner-city Salford over a 25-year period. It describes Salford City Council's approach in achieving the redevelopment of the former Salford Docks and how this created the confidence for the council to embark on further regeneration projects. Yet the top-down decision-making model has failed to satisfy local expectations, creating apathy which threatens the Labour government's desire for active citizens in regeneration projects.
Resumo:
Taipei City has put a significant effort toward the implementation of green design and green building schemes towards a sustainable eco-city. Although some of the environmental indicators have not indicated significant progress in environmental improvement, implementing the two schemes has obtained considerable results; therefore, the two schemes are on the right path towards promoting a sustainable eco-city. However, it has to be admitted that the two schemes are a rather “technocratic” set of solutions and eco-centric approach. It is suggested that not only the public sector but also the private sector need to put more effort toward implement the schemes, and the government needs to encourage the private sector to adopt the schemes in practice.