774 resultados para Gendering elites
Resumo:
Este artículo expone los vínculos entre las élites charqueñas y rioplatenses desde mediados del siglo XVIII hasta inicios del siglo XIX, con una mirada que incorpora la relación territorial y el vínculo de las culturas políticas que se entretejen en la conformación de ambas élites. El trabajo da cuenta de los vínculos políticos entre el mundo charqueño y el rioplatense, asumiendo ambas realidades como vinculadas e interdependientes, y muestra que dicho vínculo estuvo configurado por narraciones y preocupaciones comunes, el impacto de la crisis imperial de 1808, la resonancia de la insurgencia indígena en los años previos (La Gran Regelión de los Andes y la Rebelión de Túpac Katari) y las experiencias autonomistas del mundo andino: La Plata (Chiquisaca) y La Paz. Se utilizan los aportes de la historia conceptual y la sociología política para analizar esos complejos mundos políticos y de conformación de élites.
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Este artículo aborda el papel de los abogados semiprofesionales, conocidos como tinterillos, en las comunidades indígenas de la sierra ecuatoriana, a partir de mediados del siglo XIX, quienes adquirieron una presencia aparentemente ubicua en las comunidades rurales del Ecuador. Muchas veces los tinterillos fueron parte de las élites locales con algo de educación. Inspiraban respeto entre los indígenas (quienes, en su mayoría, eran analfabetos) debido a su habilidad a manejar documentos escritos. Estos intermediarios comúnmente explotaron su posición privilegiada para su propio beneficio económico, social y político. Sin embargo, los indígenas llegaron a depender del apoyo de los tinterillos para denunciar ante el gobierno los abusos de los terratenientes. En ocasiones, en lugar de sentirse impotentes o víctimas, los indígenas aprendieron a negociar sus relaciones con esos intermediarios para su beneficio. El estudio de los tinterillos permite examinar las relaciones de poder que se negociaron entre diferentes culturas y a través de profundas divisiones de clase.
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Este trabajo muestra, en diferentes niveles, la configuración del campo intelectual de los años de 1960 y de uno de sus integrantes en particular, Agustín Cueva, personaje ligado al contexto histórico que le tocó vivir y en el cual intervino de manera activa. Para ello se recogen de manera breve los principales debates, luchas y problemáticas que le permitieron configurar su discurso crítico. El parricidio, el compromiso intelectual y la búsqueda de un horizonte revolucionario son palabras que se vuelven sentido común para esta generación, desde donde tratan de mostrar la inautenticidad de lo que las elites denominaron como „cultura nacional‟. Construcción cuestionada por esta generación y frente a la cual Cueva muestra, dentro de sus ensayos (como forma de escritura), que dicha artificialidad es el resultado de la carga colonial que pesa sobre los hombros de la sociedad ecuatoriana y del hecho de que, el discurso sobre el mestizaje, fue la salida elegida por las élites para justificar su proyecto nacional. En esta perspectiva, el diálogo que se propone con Antonio Cornejo Polar y Ángel Rama, muestra más puntos de encuentro que desencuentro, pues estos dos autores dan cuentan a partir de los conceptos de heterogeneidad y de transculturación, que el proceso cultural y político de constitución de nuestros países es el resultado de una élite (blanco-mestiza) que vio en la narrativa (en sus distintas formas) un mecanismo para edificarlo; sin embargo, estos tres autores revelan narrativas disidentes, cuestionadoras, y una vía popular de entender el proyecto nacional.
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Este artículo analiza las representaciones sociales y los marcos de memoria en el Parque Histórico Guayaquil. Los recorridos del parque temático son confrontados con registros provenientes de la investigación histórica y de la narrativa social, con el objeto de iluminar la manera en que se reproducen los imaginarios sociales y culturales sobre la modernización de la ciudad y el rol de las élites económicas y los sectores campesinos en dicho proceso.
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Este trabajo explora los relatos que hicieron posible la emergencia de oficinas públicas encargadas de gestionar aspectos de la sociedad relacionados a valores, costumbres y normas de convivencia a partir de los cuales la “cultura” se fue constituyendo en un campo de intervención estatal sistemática. Mi propósito es situar el surgimiento de la institucionalidad que se encargará de la gestión cultural pública en la ciudad de Bogotá, explorando las circunstancias que han permitido que algunos de los significados del término cultura se conviertan en obvios y que otros circulen “escondidos” entre los significados dominantes. La indagación permitirá visibilizar las lógicas, los conflictos y competencias que mantiene o transforman las jerarquías institucionales. Para ello se rastrea la concurrencia y la sucesión de hechos que a lo largo de los años fueron configurando el terreno para la creación y desarrollo de una institucionalidad que administra en la ciudad de Bogotá el campo denominado cultura. El argumento central es que el surgimiento de la institucionalidad que impulsa la cultura como un frente sustantivo se inscribe en un conjunto de políticas de gobierno que promueven formas de ciudadanía basadas en el control de la vida y en una construcción étnica que educa a ciertas poblaciones en una forma de ser y vivir la ciudad. Entender la cultura como espacio de disputa política inscrito en los regímenes de la Modernidad/Colonialidad ayuda a desentrañar el hilo de una historia donde las instituciones culturales del Estado se configuran a partir de viejas herencias coloniales que aún persisten. Es decir, que la gestión estatal de la cultura en Bogotá es parte de un proyecto colonial de nación construido por elites criollas y mestizas que con su mirada y sentidos puestos en el norte Europa y Estados Unidos pretendían conservar su principal capital simbólico, la blancura. Proyecto de nación a su vez ligado al proyecto del capitalismo global Explorar las discontinuidades y los puntos de encuentro que hay entre el proyecto promovido a comienzos del siglo XX con el proyecto de ciudad de los últimos años, donde la estructuración oficial reivindica la ciudad globalizada, nos ayuda a recordar el carácter histórico y construido de esta institucionalidad pública, que ahora mismo parece olvidado, y a entender el intercambio de signos, mecanismos de producción de significado y luchas de sentidos alrededor de aquello que se valora y legitima como cultura.
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The essay asserts that, since pioneering work in the 1970s and 80s (in Screen in particular), the study of classical Hollywood cinema has failed adequately to acknowledge and understand the role of spectacle therein. This essay outlines theoretical but, even more, practical understandings of particular kinds of spectacle; they are susceptible to the practice of close analysis. Seeking to discuss spectacle in precise terms and in particular contexts, I define two kinds of spectacle associated with the historical film: ‘the decor of history’ and ‘the spectacular vista’. The example of Gone with the Wind illustrates the interrelationship between these two kinds of spectacle and their associations with particular ideas of femininity and masculinity. This gendering of spectacle is related to ‘the historical gaze’, a performative gesture that exemplifies the wider rhetoric of historical films, in their seeking to address the historical knowledge of the film spectator and to uphold a vision of history as being driven by powerful men, aware of their own destiny. Over the course of the three famous hilltop scenes in Gone with the Wind, one can plot Scarlett O'Hara's increased access to this kind of foresight and fortitude coded as ‘masculine’. This character arc can also be traced through Scarlett's shifting place within the film's use of spectacle: she begins the film wholly preoccupied with the domestic world of lavish parties and beautiful gowns; however, after her encounter with cataclysmic history visualized as a vast, terrible spectacle (the fall of Atlanta), Scarlett assumes the role occupied by her broken and emasculated father.
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The building of the Berlin Wall on 13 August 1961 had repercussions not only on the international scene, but also for the power relationship between state and society in the German Democratic Republic. This article considers the short-, medium- and long-term reactions of the East German population to the border closure from a personal and political perspective, examining key groups such as educated elites, workers, and young people. The closed society elicited a new deference in the short term, but the author argues for considerable continuities of low-level disruptive behavior before and after 13 August. In the longer term, there was a generation born behind the Wall which by simple habituation rather than a conscious decision was forced to accept the new contours of the geopolitical landscape created by the Wall.
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This paper explores the impact of local parenting practices and children's everyday use of public space within two villages in the rural South West of England, an issue that has been underexplored in recent research. Drawing upon the concept of hybridity, it explores the interplay between the social, natural and material in shaping local cultures of rural parenting. The paper begins by drawing upon recent research on parenting in the global North, the gendering of rural space and hybridity to show how these bodies of work can be interlinked to better understand rural parenting practices and norms. Through empirical research that focused on the relationships between gendered parenting strategies, idealised notions of rural motherhood and materiality, the paper explores the diverse ways in which a group of working and middle-class mothers construct and define ideas about their children's lives and mobilities. Whilst dominant discourses of rurality focus upon the idyll, and gendered identities of rural women still remain within the domestic sphere, so we examine how these deeply embedded notions of ‘normality’ can be powerful social tools in rural villages, mobilised through discourses of materiality and anxiety. In our conclusions, we argue that the hybrid integration of the material and social provides a useful framework for understanding the everyday geographies of rural parenting.
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This paper attributes a previously unnoticed Attic black-figured lekythos kept in the Archaeological Museum of Volos to the Pholos Group (ca. 470 BC) and discusses its findspot in the peripheral Thessalian district of Achaia Phthiotis. Beyond an art-historical appreciation of the hastily-drawn chariot scene on this lekythos and a discussion of stylistic parallels, which include a lekythos in Prague, it is argued that such lekythoi were socially important for their shape and small size that made them easily transportable. The assumed scarcity of Attic pottery in Thessaly can be questioned given that a considerable amount of Attic pottery from Thessalian locations is mentioned only in passing or remains unpublished in museum storage. Small late black-figured lekythoi predominate amongst Attic pottery shapes in Thessaly. The popularity of such lekythoi can become indicative of human mobility across the landscape and the consumption of imported (grave) goods by social groups other than elites.
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This article examines the problems of elite capture in community driven development (CDD). Drawing on two case studies of non-governmental organisation (NGO) intervention in rural Mozambique, the authors consider two important variables – 1) the diverse and complex contributions of local elites to CDD in different locations, and 2) the roles that non-elites play in monitoring and controlling leader activities – to argue that donors should be cautious about automatically assuming the prevalence of malevolent patrimonialism and its ill-effects in their projects. This is because the ‘checks and balances’ on elite behaviour that exist within locally-defined and historically-rooted forms of community-based governance are likely to be more effective than those introduced by the external intervener.
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The assumption that ‘states' primary goal is survival’ lies at the heart of the neorealist paradigm. A careful examination of the assumption, however, reveals that neorealists draw upon a number of distinct interpretations of the ‘survival assumption’ that are then treated as if they are the same, pointing towards conceptual problems that surround the treatment of state preferences. This article offers a specification that focuses on two questions that highlight the role and function of the survival assumption in the neorealist logic: (i) what do states have to lose if they fail to adopt self-help strategies?; and (ii) how does concern for relevant losses motivate state behaviour and affect international outcomes? Answering these questions through the exploration of governing elites' sensitivity towards regime stability and territorial integrity of the state, in turn, addresses the aforementioned conceptual problems. This specification has further implications for the debates among defensive and offensive realists, potential extensions of the neorealist logic beyond the Westphalian states, and the relationship between neorealist theory and policy analysis.
Shaming men, performing power: female authority in Zimbabwe and Tanzania on the eve of colonial rule
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The aim of Terrorist Transgressions is to analyse the myths inscribed in images of the terrorist and identify how agency is attributed to representation through invocations and inversions of gender stereotypes. In modern discourses on the terrorist the horror experienced in Western societies was the appearance of a new sense of the vulnerability of the body politic, and therefore of the modern self with its direct dependency on security and property. The terrorist has been constructed as the epitome of transgression against economic resources and moral, physical and political boundaries. Although terrorism has been the focus of intense academic activity, cultural representations of the terrorist have received less attention. Yet terrorism is dependent on spectacle and the topic is subject to forceful exposure in popular media. While the terrorist is predominantly aligned with masculinity, women have been active in terrorist organisations since the late 19th century and in suicidal terrorist attacks since the 1980s. Such attacks have confounded constructions of femininity and masculinity, with profound implications for the gendering of violence and horror. The publication arises from an AHRC networking grant, 2011-12, with Birkbeck, and includes collaboration with the army at Sandhurst RMA. The project relates to a wider investigation into feminism, violence and contemporary art.
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Weak institutional development and information flows have constrained the extent to which the small-holder farming sector in developing countries can significantly drive growth and poverty reduction. Thisis despite widely implemented economic liberalisation policies focussing on market efficiency. Farmerorganisations are viewed as a potential means of addressing public and private institutional failure but thishas frequently been limited by inequalities in access to power and information. This article investigatestwo issues that have received little research attention to date: what role downward accountability plays inenabling farmer organisations to improve services and markets, and what influences the extent to whichdownward accountability is achieved. Kenya Tea Development Agency (KTDA), one of the largest farmerorganisations in the world (>400,000 farmers) is examined alongside wider literature. Mixed methodswere used including key informant interviews, and eight months of participant observation followedby a questionnaire survey. The article concludes that without effective downward accountability farmerorganisations can become characterised by institutions and mechanisms that favour elites, restrictedweak coordination and regulation, and manipulated information flows. This in turn reduces individuals’incentives to invest. If farmer organisations are to realise their potential as a means of enabling the small-holder sector to significantly contribute to economic growth and poverty reduction, policy and researchneeds to address key factors which influence accountability including: how to ensure initial processes information of farmer organisations establish appropriate structures and rules; strong state regulation toenhance corporate accountability; transparent information provision regarding actions of farmer organi-sation leaders; and the role independent non-government organisations can play. Consequently attentionneeds to focus on developing means of legitimising rights, building poor people’s capacity to challengeexclusion, and moving from rights to obligations regarding information provision.