378 resultados para FN
Resumo:
The Front National has for some years been France's third political party and the most notable far-right force in Europe; its leader, Jean-Marie Le Pen, contested the 2002 presidential election run-off with 5.5 million votes. What do Le Pen and the FN represent? What are their historical roots, their values and their policies? Who votes for them and why? And what has been their impact on the political agenda in France? Adopting an essentially chronological approach, the book traces the political lineage of Le Pen and the FN through key figures, movements and events on the French extreme right from the Vichy regime to the present, providing a detailed historical perspective for understanding the FN today. Part I provides a historical study of the extreme right in France since 1940, examining • the Vichy regime, collaboration and ‘collaborationism’, • the aftermath of Liberation and the post-war extreme right, • the Poujadist movement and the politics of populism, • the Algerian War as a catalyst for change, • the ‘Nouvelle Droite’ and the search for doctrinal renewal, • old and new forms of extreme-right ideology and activism. Part II undertakes a comprehensive study of the FN, analysing • the party’s early development and electoral rise, • its evolving programme and strategy, • the factors underlying its popular appeal, • the geography and composition of its electorate, • its exercise of local power and regional influence, • and its defining impact on the national political agenda. The FN, it is argued, represents both the latest manifestation of a long tradition of authoritarian nationalism and a complex new phenomenon within the changing social and political dynamics of contemporary France.
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Few names resonate more loudly from the French Fourth Republic than that of Pierre Poujade, and few terms exude such a sulfurous odour as le poujadisme. Between 1953 and 1958, the Poujadists secured their place in modern French history, winning 52 seats in the National Assembly and inscribing a lasting entry in the lexicon of political protest. Taking as its starting point the fiftieth anniversary of Poujade’s movement held in its birthplace of Saint-Céré in July 2003, this article reassesses Poujadism fifty years on from its heyday. It considers Poujadism as the first important anti-globalisation movement in post-war France, a locus for the conflict between ‘stalemate’ traditionalism and socio-economic modernisation. It examines the trajectory of the Poujadists from anti-tax movement to political party, arguing the difficulty of defining Poujadism in classic political terms. In particular, the article takes issue with the perception of Poujadism as an extreme-right ideology and interprets it instead as a form of populist protest lacking a solid doctrinal core and opportunistic in its exploitation of political issues and allies. As such, it is argued, Poujadism represents a complex synthesis of both right-wing and left-wing values and discourses, as impervious to definition today as it was fifty years ago. The article considers the brief alliance of convenience between Poujade and Le Pen, and locates in Le Pen’s early Poujadist experience some of the methods and even some of the arguments used by the FN today. It concludes by discussing Poujade’s political activities after 1958, tracing his long-term conversion from violent opposition to the State under the Fourth Republic to co-operation under the Fifth. The author draws here on correspondence with Pierre Poujade up until his death in August 2003.
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Tissue transglutaminase (TG2) has been reported as a wound response protein. Once over-expressed by cells under stress such as during wound healing or following tissue damage, TG2 can be secreted and deposited into extracellular matrix, where it forms a heterocomplex (TG-FN) with the abundant matrix protein fibronectin (FN). A further cellular response elicited after tissue damage is that of matrix remodelling leading to the release of the Arg-Gly-Asp (RGD) containing matrix fragments by matrix matelloproteinases (MMPs). These peptides are able to block the interaction between integrin cell surface receptors and ECM proteins, leading to the loss of cell adhesion and ultimately Anoikis. This study provides a mechanism for TG2, as a stress-induced matrix protein, in protecting the cells from the RGD-dependent loss of cell adhesion and rescuing the cells from Anoikis. Mouse fibroblasts were used as a major model for this study, including different types of cell surface receptor knockout mouse embryonic fibroblasts (MEFs) (such as syndecan-4, a5, ß1 or ß3 integrins). In addition specific syndecan-2 targetting siRNAs, ß1 integrin and a4ß1 integrin functional blocking antibodies, and a specific targeting peptide against a5ß1 integrin A5-1 were used to investigate the involvement of these receptors in the RGD-independent cell adhesion on TG-FN. Crucial for TG-FN to compensate the RGD-independent cell adhesion and actin cytoskeleton formation is the direct interaction between the heparan sulfate chains of syndecan-4 and TG2, which elicits the inside-out signalling of a5ß1 integrin and the intracellular activation of syndecan-2 by protein kinase C a (PKCa). By using specific inhibitors, a cell-permeable inhibiting peptide and the detection of the phosphorylation sites for protein kinases and/or the translocation of PKCa via Western blotting, the activation of PKCa, focal adhesion kinase (FAK), ERK1/2 and Rho kinase (ROCK) were confirmed as downstream signalling molecules. Importantly, this study also investigated the influence of TG-FN on matrix turnover and demonstrated that TG-FN can restore the RGD-independent FN deposition process via an a5ß1 integrin and syndecan-4/2 co-signalling pathway linked by PKCa in a transamidating-independent manner. These data provide a novel function for TG2 in wound healing and matrix turnover which is a key event in a number of both physiological and pathological processes.
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Starting from a number of general tenets about radical political parties, this article examines the Front National (FN) in relation to its core policy issue of immigration. To what extent has FN immigration policy been defined from the outset by its radicalism? Has that radicalism been constant or variable over time? And how far can a reciprocal influence be detected between the FN and the center Right in immigration policy formulation? Focusing on election campaigns, manifestos, and key moments in the FN's evolution, the article assesses how the party has tailored its radicalism to contextual factors and tactical considerations. It reveals an FN less bound to a fixed policy and more ready to seek accommodation (with circumstance, public opinion, or the center Right) than is generally acknowledged. Conversely, it also assesses how the FN's mobilization of strong support on the immigration issue has had radicalizing effects on the center Right. The article concludes by considering whether the change of leadership in January 2011 might confine the FN to the radical Right or see it adopt a more center-oriented course.
Resumo:
Tissue transglutaminase (TG2) has been identified as an important extracellular crosslinking enzyme involved in matrix turnover and in bone differentiation. Here we report a novel cell adhesion/survival mechanism in human osteoblasts (HOB) which requires association of FN bound TG2 with the cell surface heparan sulphates in a transamidase independent manner. This novel pathway not only enhances cell adhesion on FN but also mediates cell adhesion and survival in the presence of integrin competing RGD peptides. We investigate the involvement of cell surface receptors and their intracellular signalling molecules to further explore the pathway mediated by this novel TG-FN heterocomplex. We demonstrate by siRNA silencing the crucial importance of the cell surface heparan sulphate proteoglycans syndecan-2 and syndecan-4 in regulating the compensatory effect of TG-FN on osteoblast cell adhesion and actin cytoskeletal formation in the presence of RGD peptides. By use of immunoprecipitation and inhibitory peptides we show that syndecan-4 interacts with TG2 and demonstrate that syndecan-2 and the a5ß1 integrins, but not a4ß1 function as downstream modulators in this pathway. Using function blocking antibodies, we show activation of a5ß1 occurs by an inside out signalling mechanism involving activation and binding of protein kinase PKCa and phosphorylation of focal adhesion kinase (FAK) at Tyr861 and activation of ERK1/2.
Resumo:
The presidential and legislative elections of 2007 are widely seen to have marked the end of the far right as a major political force in France. How could this occur only five years after Le Pen’s qualification for the presidential run-off, and with his party seemingly in the ascendant? This article discusses recent fluctuations in far-right electoral performance in France. It focuses largely on the presidential elections of 2002 and 2007, re-examining the (supposed) upswell of far-right support in 2002 and its (supposed) subsidence in 2007. Both elections require nuanced interpretation. Both confounded poll predictions, which in 2007 failed to measure the effect of Sarkozy’s hard-right campaign and, crucially, the extent to which the border between “mainstream right” and “far right” had shifted since 2002. This allowed Sarkozy to drain part of Le Pen’s electorate, and raises questions over the longer-term impact of Le Pen and the FN on the political agenda in France.
Resumo:
It is shown that the invertible polynomial maps over a finite field Fq , if looked at as bijections Fn,q −→ Fn,q , give all possible bijections in the case q = 2, or q = p^r where p > 2. In the case q = 2^r where r > 1 it is shown that the tame subgroup of the invertible polynomial maps gives only the even bijections, i.e. only half the bijections. As a consequence it is shown that a set S ⊂ Fn,q can be a zero set of a coordinate if and only if #S = q^(n−1).
Resumo:
Special generalizing for the artificial neural nets: so called RFT – FN – is under discussion in the report. Such refinement touch upon the constituent elements for the conception of artificial neural network, namely, the choice of main primary functional elements in the net, the way to connect them(topology) and the structure of the net as a whole. As to the last, the structure of the functional net proposed is determined dynamically just in the constructing the net by itself by the special recurrent procedure. The number of newly joining primary functional elements, the topology of its connecting and tuning of the primary elements is the content of the each recurrent step. The procedure is terminated under fulfilling “natural” criteria relating residuals for example. The functional proposed can be used in solving the approximation problem for the functions, represented by its observations, for classifying and clustering, pattern recognition, etc. Recurrent procedure provide for the versatile optimizing possibilities: as on the each step of the procedure and wholly: by the choice of the newly joining elements, topology, by the affine transformations if input and intermediate coordinate as well as by its nonlinear coordinate wise transformations. All considerations are essentially based, constructively and evidently represented by the means of the Generalized Inverse.
Resumo:
For most of its existence, the Front National (FN) fitted the classic definition of the anti-system party, opposing the founding values, institutions and elites of the Fifth Republic. Now, under Marine Le Pen's leadership, it has embarked on a strategy to integrate to the regime it once defied. Does this strategy of normalisation bear scrutiny? Using a framework drawn from Giovanni Sartori and Robert Michels, this article asks whether the FN is a one-time anti-system party that is becoming mainstream, and also whether these simple oppositional categories are adequate for understanding ideological and policy evolution in the FN's case. Through an analysis of continuity and change in FN strategy and programmes, the article shows a party torn between anti-system differentiation and institutional adaptation. It may claim to have cast out its demons but has not undertaken the necessary moderation of its programme to substantiate that claim. The FN today is on no linear path of deradicalisation but exhibits a combination of consistent, diminished and increasing radicalism across different policy areas. Despite an upward dynamic and a hugely favourable context, it remains almost entirely excluded from power and far from the breakthrough required to become a party of government.
Resumo:
2000 Mathematics Subject Classification: Primary: 62M10, 62J02, 62F12, 62M05, 62P05, 62P10; secondary: 60G46, 60F15.
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2010 Mathematics Subject Classification: 62F12, 62M05, 62M09, 62M10, 60G42.
Resumo:
There is a widespread sense that the Front National (FN) came of age in 2014 as a challenger for power in France. The municipal and European elections appeared to herald a transformation in the party's development and prospects, demonstrating its capacity to compete as a major player at subnational and supranational levels following strong performances at the national level in the presidential and legislative elections of 2012. This article takes a critical view of that assessment. It argues that the FN in 2014 made significant progress but that the apparent surge of support for the party in these elections belies fundamental weaknesses in the depth and range of its electoral capacities and in its prospects for transforming itself into a party of government. These weaknesses were again evident in the departmental elections of 2015, confirming that the FN has not succeeded in ending bipolarisation and imposing a genuinely tripartite structure on French politics. Far from being the 'first party of France' and 'at the gates of power', the FN is still consigned primarily to a role of spoiler, with its progression stalled by institutional obstacles, electoral limitations and a political containment which it remains powerless to overcome.
Resumo:
The departmental elections of March 2015 redrew the French political landscape, setting the new terms of electoral competition in advance of the regional elections of December 2015 and, more critically, the presidential election of April–May 2017. These elections saw the far-right National Front (FN) come top in both rounds only to be outmanoeuvred by the mainstream parties and prevented from winning a single department. As a case study in vote–seat distortion, the elections highlighted a voting system effective in keeping the FN out of executive power but deficient in terms of democratic representation and inadequate as a response to the new tripartite realities of France's changing political landscape.
Resumo:
This dissertation was an analysis of the root and proximate causes of the September 2002 civil war in Côte d’Ivoire. The central question of this study was: Why did Côte d’Ivoire, which was relatively stable under President Houphouët-Boigny, suddenly begin to experience political violence in the 1990s and an explosion in 2002? Côte d’Ivoire was an interesting case because it was stable for a long period of time, apparently making it an infertile ground for conflict. It was also interesting for comparative purposes because of the fact that several states in West Africa (for instance, Benin, Togo, and Ghana) have experienced military coups but not have civil wars. Finally, this case was an opportunity to revisit the debate on the causes of civil wars in the African context. Chapter one has outlined the entire dissertation project and contextualized the analysis that follows in the subsequent chapters. Chapter two has reviewed the literature on civil wars in general, identified the different types of civil wars, and the type the Ivoiran war is. Chapter three has examined the domestic and international political economy as a source of the civil violence in Côte d’Ivoire. Chapter four has examined the role of ethnicity and region as identities of the war, while chapter five has analyzed the role of the foreign relations in the civil war, as well as the regional political context. Chapter six has distinguished between the root and proximate causes of the Ivoirian civil war, made judgments about the relative weight of the various causes, and the extent to which the weight of the causes can be measured. The study found that the “Ivoirité” was the most important trigger of the civil war in Côte d’Ivoire. The overall conclusion of my dissertation was that the September 2002 crisis in that country was a political crisis which occured in the context of a political reform. It first started with succession problems in 1993 followed by the controversial elections in 1995 and 2000. Later, this electoral politics spread beyond electoral issues, namely citizenship matters.
Resumo:
Fibronectin (FN) is a large extracellular matrix (ECM) protein that is made up of
type I (FNI), type II (FNII), & type III (FNIII) domains. It assembles into an insoluble
supra-‐‑molecular structure: the fibrillar FN matrix. FN fibrillogenesis is a cell‐‑mediated process, which is initiated when FN binds to integrins on the cell surface. The FN matrix plays an important role in cell migration, proliferation, signaling & adhesion. Despite decades of research, the FN matrix is one of the least understood supra-‐‑molecular protein assemblies. There have been several attempts to elucidate the exact mechanism of matrix assembly resulting in significant progress in the field but it is still unclear as to what are FN-‐‑FN interactions, the nature of these interactions and the domains of FN that
are in contact with each other. FN matrix fibrils are elastic in nature. Two models have been proposed to explain the elasticity of the fibrils. The first model: the ‘domain unfolding’ model postulates that the unraveling of FNIII domains under tension explains fibril elasticity.
The second model relies on the conformational change of FN from compact to extended to explain fibril elasticity. FN contain 15 FNIII domains, each a 7-‐‑strand beta sandwich. Earlier work from our lab used the technique of labeling a buried Cys to study the ‘domain unfolding’ model. They used mutant FNs containing a buried Cys in a single FNIII domain and found that 6 of the 15 FNIII domains label in matrix fibrils. Domain unfolding due to tension, matrix associated conformational changes or spontaneous folding and unfolding are all possible explanation for labeling of the buried Cys. The present study also uses the technique of labeling a buried Cys to address whether it is spontaneous folding and unfolding that labels FNIII domains in cell culture. We used thiol reactive DTNB to measure the kinetics of labeling of buried Cys in eleven FN III domains over a wide range of urea concentrations (0-‐‑9M). The kinetics data were globally fit using Mathematica. The results are equivalent to those of H-‐‑D exchange, and
provide a comprehensive analysis of stability and unfolding/folding kinetics of each
domain. For two of the six domains spontaneous folding and unfolding is possibly the reason for labeling in cell culture. For the rest of the four domains it is probably matrix associated conformational changes or tension induced unfolding.
A long-‐‑standing debate in the protein-‐‑folding field is whether unfolding rate
constants or folding rate constants correlate to the stability of a protein. FNIII domains all have the same ß sandwich structure but very different stabilities and amino acid sequences. Our study analyzed the kinetics of unfolding and folding and stabilities of eleven FNIII domains and our results show that folding rate constants for FNIII domains are relatively similar and the unfolding rates vary widely and correlate to stability. FN forms a fibrillar matrix and the FN-‐‑FN interactions during matrix fibril formation are not known. FNI 1-‐‑9 or the N-‐‑ terminal region is indispensible for matrix formation and its major binding partner has been shown to be FNIII 2. Earlier work from our lab, using FRET analysis showed that the interaction of FNI 1-‐‑9 with a destabilized FNIII 2 (missing the G strand, FNIII 2ΔG) reduces the FRET efficiency. This efficiency is restored in the presence of FUD (bacterial adhesion from S. pyogenes) that has been known to interact with FNI 1-‐‑9 via a tandem ß zipper. In the present study we
use FRET analysis and a series of deletion mutants of FNIII 2ΔG to study the shortest fragment of FNIII 2ΔG that is required to bind FNI 1-‐‑9. Our results presented here are qualitative and show that FNIII 2ΔC’EFG is the shortest fragment required to bind FNI 1-‐‑9. Deletion of one more strand abolishes the interaction with FNI 1-‐‑9.