816 resultados para F5 - International Relations and International Political Economy
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A kt rszbl ll cikk a magyarorszgi reformfolyamat s posztszocialista talakuls ngy olyan jellegzetessgt emeli ki, amelyek megszakts nlkl, a politikai szfrban bekvetkezett rendszervltst kveten is, folyamatosan jellemeztk az elmlt harminc v fejldst: a lakossg anyagi jltnek prioritsa, ers paternalista jlti llam, a reformfolyamat s tmenet fokozatossga s a politikai nyugalom. Az 1995. mrcius 12n bejelentett stabilizcis program - amennyiben megvalsul - jelenthet elmozdulst ezektl a jellegzetessgektl. A cikk politikai gazdasgtani megkzeltsben vizsglja, hogy mirt alakult ki ez a ngy jellegzetessg, mikppen hatottak azok egymsra, milyen kedvez s kedveztlen hatsokat fejtettek ki. Az els rsz az 1956os forradalom hatsbl kiindulva politikatrtneti ttekintst ad, majd a mai jlt, biztonsg s nyugalom prioritst s a trsadalmi adssg felhalmozdst, vgl a stabilizcis program gazdasgi s politikai hatsait elemzi. / === / The article, consisting of two parts, emphasizes four characteristic features of the Hungarian reform process and the postsocialist transformation, which, uninterruptedly, characterized the development over the last thirty years, even after the systemic change in the political sphere. These were: priority of the material welfare of the population, a strong, paternalistic welfare state, the gradual progress of the reform process and the transition, as well as political calmness. The stabilization programme, announced on March 12,1995, may imply - if it materializes - a shift away from these characteristics. The article investigates, from the aspect of political economy, why the four characteristic features had developed, how they affected each other and what were their advantageous and disadvantageous impacts. Setting out from the impacts of the 1956 revolution, the first part gives an overview of political history and then analyses the priority of today's welfare, security and calm as well as the accumulation of societal debt and, finally, the economic and political impacts of the stabilization programme.
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The purpose of this dissertation was to examine the relationship between narcotics trafficking and the processes of economic liberalization and democratization in the Caribbean. The salient social, political and economic processes were explored at each juncture of the drug trafficking chain to determine why certain groups and locales became integrated in the global narcotics economy. It also considered the national security implications of the global narcotics economy. ^ The Global Commodity Chain framework allowed the study to examine the social, political and economic processes that determine how a commodity is produced, transported, distributed and consumed in the global economy. A case study method was used to specify the commodity (cocaine) and locations (U.S. and Dominican Republic) where these processes were examined. ^ The important contributing factors in the study included: a liberalizing global economy, the social processes of migration, the formation of enclaves in the U.S., the opening of the political process and institutional weakness in the country of origin. All of these factors contributed to the Dominican Republic and Dominican migrants becoming key players in the cocaine commodity chain. It concluded that narcotics trafficking as a national security issue remains a fluid concept, contingent on specific cultural and historic antecedents. ^
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This dissertation provides an analytical framework to study the political economy of policy reform in the Dominican Republic during the nineties. Based on a country study, I develop two theoretical models that replicate the mechanisms of policy approval in developing countries with weak democracies. The first model considers a pro-reform President who submits a tariff bill to an anti-reform Congress dominated by the opposition party. In between, two opposing lobbies try to get their favored policy approved. Lobbies act as Stackelberg leaders vis a vis a weak President. The behavior of the Congress is determined exogenously while the lobbies act strategically pursuing the approval of the reform bill and indirectly affecting the President's decision. I show that in such a setting external agents like the Press play an important role in the decision-making process of the political actors. ^ The second model presents a similar framework. However, the President, who is a Stackelberg leader, is allowed only two choices, total reform or status-quo. I show how a lobby reacts to an increase in its rival's or its own size. These reactions depend on the President's level of commitment to the reform. Finally, I discuss the effect of variations in the size of the lobbies on the President's choice. The model suitably explains real events that took place in the Dominican Republic in the mid-nineties. ^
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This article examines the role of corporate elites within the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) in establishing the framework for the IMF and the rationale for the Vietnam War. Drawing on the CFR's War-Peace Study Groups, established in World War II as a conduit between corporate elites and the U.S. government, the author first analyzes the role of corporate power networks in grand area planning. He shows that such planning provided a framework for postwar foreign and economic policymaking. He then documents the relationship between corporate grand area planning and the creation of the IMF. The analysis concludes with an examination of the relationship between grand area planning and the Vietnam War.
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From 2000 to 2010, Americas music industrys annual revenue went from $4 billion to $2 billion. Much of this is attributed to the internets ability to provide consumers with easy access to free music, and hip hop has been especially impacted by this trend. Utilizing document analysis and personal interviews, this study found that the success of independent artists has influenced the business strategies of major record companies. In response to a dramatic decrease in record sales, major labels have made more of an effort to sign their artists to 360 deals, which allow the labels to profit from every aspect of an artists brand or identity. While some independent artists are the main beneficiary of the profits generated from their music and personal brand, they also reify the commodity-form capitalist system by attempting to turn their music and brand into a fetishized commodity and by turning their audience into a fetishized commodity.
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<p>This dissertation consists of three papers, which together examine whether policies meant to address inequality, succeed in mitigating the impact of traditional institutions such as caste and enable ethnic minorities to claim their rights. Using experimental and quasi-experimental methods with data from a variety of primary and secondary sources, this dissertation analyzes whether policies meant to empower vulnerable groups in India have succeeded in doing so. The findings suggest that while legislations in the form of mandated political representation or freedom of information laws are necessary in terms of increasing the accountability of government towards citizens, they may not be sufficient in ensuring adequate and uniform delivery of public services, especially to citizens belonging to marginalized groups. Further, empowering citizens especially those belonging to groups that have faced historic discrimination to actively participate in civic and political life may require more active and intensive policy and programmatic interventions.</p>
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La Banque mondiale propose la bonne gouvernance comme la stratgie visant corriger les maux de la mauvaise gouvernance et de faciliter le dveloppement dans les pays en dveloppement (Carayannis, Pirzadeh, Popescu & 2012; & Hilyard Wilks 1998; Leftwich 1993; Banque mondiale, 1989). Dans cette perspective, la rforme institutionnelle et une arne de la politique publique plus inclusive sont deux stratgies critiques qui visent tablir la bonne gouvernance, selon la Banque et dautres institutions de Bretton Woods. Le problme, cest que beaucoup de ces pays en voie de dveloppement ne possdent pas larchitecture institutionnelle pralable ces nouvelles mesures. Cette thse tudie et explique comment un tat en voie de dveloppement, le Commonwealth de la Dominique, sest lanc dans un projet de loi visant lintgrit dans la fonction publique. Cette loi, la Loi sur lintgrit dans la fonction publique (IPO) a t adopte en 2003 et mis en uvre en 2008. Cette thse analyse les relations de pouvoir entre les acteurs dominants autour de volution de la loi et donc, elle emploie une combinaison de technique de lanalyse des rseaux sociaux et de la recherche qualitative pour rpondre la question principale: Pourquoi ltat a-t-il dvelopp et mis en uvre la conception actuelle de la IPO (2003)? Cette question est dautant plus significative quand nous considrons que contrairement la recherche existante sur le sujet, lIPO dominiquaise diverge considrablement dans la structure du lIPO type idal. Nous affirmons que les acteurs "rationnels," conscients de leur position structurelle dans un rseau dacteurs, ont utilis leurs ressources de pouvoir pour faonner linstitution afin quelle serve leurs intrts et ceux et leurs allis. De plus, nous mettons lhypothse que: dabord, le choix dune agence spcialise contre la corruption et la conception ultrieure de cette institution refltent les prfrences des acteurs dominants qui ont particip la cration de ladite institution et la seconde, notre hypothse rivale, les caractristiques des modles alternatifs dinstitutions de lintgrit publique sont celles des acteurs non dominants. Nos rsultats sont mitigs. Le jeu de pouvoir a t limit un petit groupe dacteurs dominants qui ont cherch utiliser la cration de la loi pour assurer leur lgitimit et la survie politique. Sans surprise, aucun acteur na avanc un modle alternatif. Nous avons conclu donc que la loi est la consquence dun jeu de pouvoir partisan. Cette recherche rpond la pnurie de recherche sur la conception des institutions de lintgrit publique, qui semblent privilgier en grande partie un biais organisationnel et structurel. De plus, en tudiant le sujet du point de vue des relations de pouvoir (le pouvoir, lui-mme, vu sous langle actanciel et structurel), la thse apporte de la rigueur conceptuelle, mthodologique, et analytique au discours sur la cration de ces institutions par ltude de leur gense des perspectives tant actancielles que structurelles. En outre, les rsultats renforcent notre capacit de prdire quand et avec quelle intensit un acteur dploierait ses ressources de pouvoir.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-08
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-07
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Este ensaio descreve e analisa novos desafios e oportunidades no mbito dos negcios internacionais no contexto Luso-Brasileiro. Inicialmente, o ensaio desafia a hegemonia do conhecimento acadmico em negcios internacionais alcanado por conexes Anglo-Americanas para sustentar que a valorizao das conexes Luso-Brasileiras em um mundo globalizado pode promover conexes mais slidas com outros pases e regies. A seguir, o ensaio descreve e analisa dados referentes aos fluxos de entrada e sada de investimentos direto externo no contexto Luso-Brasileiro com propsito de destacar, dentre os desafios e oportunidades contemporneos, a crescente internacionalizao das empresas portuguesas e brasileiras nas ltimas duas dcadas. Como consideraes finais, o ensaio sustenta que a intensificao das conexes Luso-Brasileiras em termos de fluxos de investimentos requer estudos interdisciplinares entre os mbitos de economia poltica internacional, negcios internacionais e gesto internacional.
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Dissertao (mestrado)Universidade de Braslia, Instituto de Relaes Internacionais, Programa de Ps-Graduao em Relaes Internacionais, 2016.
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Normalmente el desarrollo de un pas se ha explicado desde una perspectiva tradicional en trminos de su crecimiento econmico, teniendo en cuenta indicadores macroeconmicos como el PIB, la inflacin y el desempleo. Poca atencin se le ha puesto a la importancia que para el desarrollo de un pas representan el capital humano y el proceso de liderazgo. Debido a lo anterior, mediante este estudio de caso, se pretende entender el xito de la estrategia de crecimiento por exportaciones de Japn entre los aos 1960-1980 teniendo en cuenta estos aspectos. As, se busca sustentar que la incorporacin de un tipo de liderazgo transformacional- transaccional y los elementos propios de su cultura como el confucianismo y el budismo, le imprimieron una perspectiva no economicista al xito del modelo de desarrollo como parte de la triada empresa-estado-universidad. Lo anterior se realizar partiendo de un anlisis cualitativo y con un enfoque en la economa poltica internacional y en el liderazgo. Este ltimo estudiado desde las disciplinas de la administracin, la sociologa y la psicologa
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El desarrollo de este estudio de caso, tiene como objetivo analizar la consolidacion de Argentina como un posible escenario de crimen organizado en America Latina. Para ello se analizaran los factores que han permitido la proliferacion de dicho fenomeno, haciendo enfasis en que la capacidad de establecer redes, trascienden el ordenamiento estatal y permiten que se desarrolle de manera autonoma en diferentes regiones del planeta. Ademas se trataran temas fundamentales que permiten dar cuenta de como ha sido la construccion de los pilares que conforman la sociedad argentina en el contexto de una sociedad criminal, convirtiendose en una amenaza directa para el funcionamiento del sistema internacional.
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As its title indicates, this book, which is divided into four chapters, seeks to provide an overview of the diverse political, social and cultural functions that interfaith marriage alliances and other sexual encounters fulfilled within the overall dynamic of Christian- Muslim relations in the Iberian Peninsula during the medieval period, both within al- Andalus () and the expansionist Christian-dominated polities of the North (4). In this sense, its chronological span reaches from the early eighth century (the conquest of the Iberian Peninsula by the Muslims) to 1492 (the Christian conquest of the Nasrid Kingdom of Granada)
