The Demobilized Body: Transgressions of Personal Space and Political Participation

Grounded in the intersection between gender politics and electoral studies, this dissertation examines the demobilizing effects of violations of personal space (in the form of domestic violence, control over mobility, emotional abuse, and sexual harassment) on the propensity to vote. Using quantitative methods across four survey datasets concerning Lebanon, the United States, Morocco, and Yemen, this research concludes that cross-regionally, familial control over mobility reduces the propensity to vote among women. Conversely, mechanisms of empowerment such as education and employment increase the propensity to vote.

THERE GOES THE ELECTORAL NEIGHBORHOOD: LOCAL NETWORKS, ATTRIBUTION OF RESPONSIBILITY, AND THE (UN) FAIRNESS OF ELECTIONS

During the last two decades there have been but a handful of recorded cases of electoral fraud in Latin America. However, survey research consistently shows that often citizens do not trust the integrity of the electoral process. This dissertation addresses the puzzle by explaining the mismatch between how elections are conducted and how the process is perceived. My theoretical contribution provides a double-folded argument. First, voters’ trust in their community members (“the local experience”) impacts their level of confidence in the electoral process. Since voters often find their peers working at polling stations, negative opinions about them translate into negative opinions about the election. Second, perceptions of unfairness of the system (“the global effect”) negatively impact the way people perceive the transparency of the electoral process. When the political system fails to account for social injustice, citizens lose faith in the mechanism designed to elect representatives -and ultimately a set of policies. The fact that certain groups are systematically disregarded by the system triggers the notion that the electoral process is flawed. This is motivated by either egotropic or sociotropic considerations. To test these hypotheses, I employ a survey conducted in Costa Rica, El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala during May/June 2014, which includes a population-based experiment. I show that Voters who trust their peers consistently have higher confidence in the electoral process. Whereas respondents who were primed about social unfairness (treatment) expressed less confidence in the quality of the election. Finally, I find that the local experience is predominant over the global effect. The treatment has a statistically significant effect only for respondents who trust their community. Attribution of responsibility for voters who are skeptics of their peers is clear and simple, leaving no room for a more diffuse mechanism, the unfairness of the political system. Finally, now I extend analysis to the Latin America region. Using data from LAPOP that comprises four waves of surveys in 22 countries, I confirm the influence of the “local experience” and the “global effect” as determinants of the level of confidence in the electoral process.

On the Political Aspects of Unemployment: The Case of Election Results

Unemployment is related to economic, political and social aspects. One of the least analysed political aspects is the relationship that, from a partisan or ideological perspective, should exist between the election results and the aging level of the voters, which is to be reflected in different electoral costs of unemployment. This chapter updates previous work on the subject, using a spatial econometrics methodology to estimate the relationship between the levels of aging and the election results that were obtained in the most recent elections that took place in Portugal, i.e. the October 2015 legislative elections. The results confirm the hypothesis that the level of unemployment involves a higher (resp. lower) electoral cost the less (resp. more) aged is the electorate.

Optimal choice of electoral preference data

Electoral researchers are so much accustomed to analyzing the choice of the single most preferred party as the left-hand side variable of their models of electoral behavior that they often ignore revealed preference data. Drawing on random utility theory, their models predict electoral behavior at the extensive margin of choice. Since the seminal work of Luce and others on individual choice behavior, however, many social science disciplines (consumer research, labor market research, travel demand, etc.) have extended their inventory of observed preference data with, for instance, multiple paired comparisons, complete or incomplete rankings, and multiple ratings. Eliciting (voter) preferences using these procedures and applying appropriate choice models is known to considerably increase the efficiency of estimates of causal factors in models of (electoral) behavior. In this paper, we demonstrate the efficiency gain when adding additional preference information to first preferences, up to full ranking data. We do so for multi-party systems of different sizes. We use simulation studies as well as empirical data from the 1972 German election study. Comparing the practical considerations for using ranking and single preference data results in suggestions for choice of measurement instruments in different multi-candidate and multi-party settings.

Turkish Security Policymaking on Nuclear Issues: Conceptualizing Advanced Cooperative Security Strategies

Turkey is a non-nuclear member of a nuclear alliance in a region where nuclear proliferation is of particular concern. As the only North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) member that has a border with the Middle East, Turkish officials argue that Turkey cannot solely rely on NATO guarantees in addressing the regional security challenges. However, Turkey has not been able to formulate a security policy that reconciles its quest for independence, its NATO membership, the bilateral relationship with the United States, and regional engagement in the Middle East. This dissertation assesses the strategic implications of Turkey’s perceptions of the U.S./NATO nuclear and conventional deterrence on nuclear issues. It explores three case studies by the process tracing of Turkish policymakers’ nuclear-related decisions on U.S. tactical nuclear weapons deployed in Europe, national air and missile defense, and Iran’s nuclear program. The study finds that the principles of Turkish security policymaking do not incorporate a fundamentally different reasoning on nuclear issues than conventional deterrence. Nuclear weapons and their delivery systems do not have a defining role in Turkish security and defense strategy. The decisions are mainly guided by non-nuclear considerations such as Alliance politics, modernization of the domestic defense industry, and regional influence. The dissertation argues that Turkey could formulate more effective and less risky security policies on nuclear issues by emphasizing the cooperative security approaches within the NATO Alliance over confrontational measures. The findings of this dissertation reveal that a major transformation of Turkish security policymaking is required to end the crisis of confidence with NATO, redefinition of the strategic partnership with the US, and a more cautious approach toward the Middle East. The dissertation argues that Turkey should promote proactive measures to reduce, contain, and counter risks before they develop into real threats, as well as contribute to developing consensual confidence-building measures to reduce uncertainty.

International Branding Strategies : In Swedish and Russian Fashion Companies

There are a lot of different business strategies for any company. However, in the fashion industry, the best way to become successful is to develop the brand using special branding strategies. Hence, a brand is the main weapon for fashion companies, which helps to launch international market and to create loyal customers around the world. Nowadays, due to the difficult current political situations and the collapse of oil and the dollar a lot of companies in different industries have to change their business strategies. It is especially true for fashion companies, because they depend on consumers ' income and their purchasing power. In the case of the fashion industry, branding strategy development can be more effective, than just business strategy. Hence, this thesis discusses the following problem: What branding strategy should Russian and Swedish fashion companies choose in order to build a strong brand and enter the international market.  The purpose of this thesis is to analyze various branding strategies of Russian and Swedish fashion companies during the process of entering foreign markets. At the end of this thesis, practical contribution in their process of international branding strategy creation will be discussed. In order to answer research questions more broadly and accurately, the mixed research method, using quantitive and qualitative study through interviews and survey was chosen. Semi-structured interviews were made with the CEO and brand managers of Russian and Swedish fashion companies. Moreover, the survey was made with two different questionnaires: for Russian and for Swedish customers. In the case of qualitative research, the author found that fashion companies from Russia and Sweden have got not just some features and differences, but also common aspects. The primary data from interviews allowed the author to understand the specifics of brand management in the fashion industry. It was found, that there are some useful aspects in Swedish strategies, which can be used by Russian companies to develop their brands on the international market. In the case of quantitative research, preferences of consumers from Russia and Sweden were analyzed and also some features were identified. Survey results provided the author with a common understanding about purchase habits, attitudes and perceptions to fashion brands. According to these, some hypothesizes, which are formulated in the first part of the thesis, have been proven or disproven. It was found, that preferences of Russian and Swedish people are pretty the same, however Russian customers do not like to risk with new brands and prefer well-known and trusted brands while Swedish customers are open for any brand, which can satisfy their tastes.

New Political Parties as Innovators - Formation and Success

This cumulative dissertation investigates the formation and success of new political parties in developed democracies from the perspective of the programmatic competition between parties (see. introduction in chapter 1). It starts by arguing that the current state of the programmatic supply by existing parties is a central determinant for the likelihood of new party formation (chapter 2). A low programmatic diversity of existing parties creates scope for programmatic innovations by new parties. The dissertation establishes a connection between the literature on new parties and niche parties by analyzing the latter as typical cases of innovating new parties (chapter 3). For this purpose, the author combines two concepts with corresponding measures in order to capture the programmatic profiles of parties. Nicheness refers to differences in the emphasis of topics between a given party and its counterparts while programmatic concentration shows the narrowness of a given policy profile. Chapter 4 investigates how the variation in the programmatic profiles of niche parties affect their long-term electoral performance. Previous studies on niche parties have not fully taken into account the evolutionary aspect of the programmatic profiles of these parties. Acknowledging the variation in programmatic profiles between niche parties and over time, the article argues that the electoral effects of nicheness and programmatic concentration as programmatic features of niche parties vary over their lifecycle. The literature on new parties assumes that they can benefit from the poor representation of parts of the electorate by existing parties. This strand of research provides plausible results, but it operates on the macro level, which is problematic for theoretical and methodological reasons. The study in chapter 5 overcomes these problems through a multilevel analysis of the vote choice between new parties, existing parties and abstention.

Estudio comparado de las barreras o umbrales electorales implícitos y explícitos en el sistema electoral

"...En el presente estudio se parte, en primera instancia, de la necesaria conceptualización del término, en general y particular, y en función de ello, posteriormente, a su tipificación, sistematización y análisis especifico en Latinoamérica, mientras que ofrece un panorama general de la aplicación de las barreras electorales explicitas en diferentes regiones del mundo, para luego analizar el caso colombiano en general y visualizar el impacto de la implementación de las barreras electorales explícitas a través del acto legislativo 01 de 2003 y sus efectos en los comicios nacionales de 2006."--introducción

Comportamiento de la participación electoral y su relación con las dinámicas de violencia política en Norte de Santander (1997-2011)

La investigación analiza el comportamiento de la participación electoral (PE) y su relación con las dinámicas de violencia política en Norte de Santander durante 1997-2011, con el fin de demostrar que la región del Catatumbo ha tenido un comportamiento electoral diferente al resto del departamento dado que tiene una tendencia en porcentajes de participación bajos durante las elecciones locales que se dieron en 1997, 2000 y 2003, lo cual se debe a la presencia y disputa por el control territorial entre los Grupos Armados Ilegales (GAI). Contrario a lo anterior, en las elecciones de 2007 y 2011 se presenta una variación positiva al aumentar la PE en el departamento en general. Se utilizará una combinación del método cuantitativo y cualitativo, el primero mediante un análisis de datos electorales de cinco comicios locales; el segundo, por medio de entre

Civil conflict and voting behavior : evidence from Colombia

¿Cuáles son los efectos de la guerra sobre el comportamiento político? Colombia es un caso interesante en el que el conflicto y las elecciones coexisten y los grupos armados ilegales intencionalmente afectan los resultados electorales. Sin embargo, los grupos usan diferentes estrategias para alterar estos resultados. Este artículo argumenta que los efectos diferenciales de la violencia sobre los resultados electorales son el resultado de estrategias deliberadas de los grupos ilegales, que a su turno, son consecuencia de las condiciones militares que difieren entre ellos. Usando datos panel de las elecciones al Senado de 1994 a 2006 y una aproximación por variables instrumentales para resolver posibles problemas de endogenidad, este artículo muestra que la violencia guerrillera disminuye la participación electoral, mientras que la violencia paramilitar no tiene ningún efecto sobre la participación pero reduce la competencia electoral y beneficia a nuevos partidos no-tradicionales. Esto es consistente con la hipótesis de que la estrategia de la guerrilla es sabotear las elecciones, mientras que los paramiltares establecen alianzas con ciertos candidatos.

Bridging natural and social sciences: a framework for identify strategies and actions for the conservation of biodiversity.

The Atlantic Forest is one of the most diverse areas in the world and considered a hotspot. Several actions are needed for its preservation, among them the implementation of the Biodiversity Corridors. The Atlantic Forest has three biodiversity corridors and the Rio de Janeiro State, which harbors huge species diversity, is in the Serra do Mar Corridor. We developed socioeconomic, political and environmental indicators to present conservation strategies supported by a wide database. These indicators complemented the previous surveys of priority areas which emphasized biotic elements, and their integration allowed the elaboration of strategies for the conservation and management, regionally directed, to support actions to be implemented by the Government. The analysis was done considering three subjects: Anthropic Pressure, Physical and Biotic State, and Present Ability of Response. Data analysis followed a synthesis-aggregation schedule and the resulting database was taken to a workshop, where specialists proposed strategies and actions for the conservation. These strategies were discussed considering vegetation remnant distribution, biological relevance, environmental vulnerability, kind of anthropic pressure in the region and potential for success of the actions proposed, based on the ability of response. Rio de Janeiro State is very diverse in biotic, physical, political, socioeconomic and cultural aspects which demand specific actions for each region. So, depending on the present situation of the natural and anthropic environments and on the present and future sources of degradation, regionally directed actions are applicable. This specificity in conservation actions will enable that the State remnants will be more successfully protected.

Cleavage Politics in Changing Times. Political Realignment Processes in Western European Countries

The dissertation fits the political realignment literature and aims to pro-vide further insights into cleavage politics by investigating voting behaviour in the Western European countries’ national elections. In particular, the dis-sertation focuses on the class and value voting patterns and on the change of these patterns in different countries and over the course of time. Peculiar pro-cesses affected all Western European party systems: whilst the «traditional» cleavage theory accounts for National and Industrial revolutions, those pro-cesses assumed to constitute the «societal modernization» determined chang-es in electoral competitions that questioned the relevance of individuals’ so-cial positions to study electoral preferences. Since the associations between social positions and voting behaviour underpin the so-called political cleav-age, the dealignment perspective assumes them to have been eroding since the second half of the XX century. On the other hand, the realignment perspective argues that the cleavage theory still accounts for individuals’ vote choices: of the four «traditional» cleavages, this perspective hypothesizes new class vot-ing patterns and alignments between electoral preferences and a new line of conflict, that is based on values. The dissertation provides a theoretical ac-count of the realignment of the class cleavage and a new conceptualization of value voting. Then, class and value voting patterns are explored. The analyses employ European Social Survey data and detect general and country-specific patterns. The dissertation adopts a mediation perspective and aims to observe how class voting patterns change when controlling for value orientations. The results are provided with a sensitivity analysis, indeed two versions of the measures computed for value orientations are compared. The findings show that social class continues to affect voting behaviour and that value orienta-tions both mediate this effect and affect electoral preferences.

Essays in development and political economy

This thesis includes three papers studying diverse questions in development, economic history and political economy. The first two chapters, that fall under development and economic history, use novel forms of text data and analysis to answer the questions at hand. The first chapter studies the possible impact of a historically matrilineal and matrilocal caste group on present day outcomes of gender equality. It introduces a novel surname strategy using electoral data to deduce caste from the surnames of electors and overcomes the unavailability of caste data. It shows proof of persistence of caste in space. And finally, following a matching exercise it concludes that the effect of the matrilineal and matrilocal caste on present day gender outcomes might not be as strong as previously believed. The second paper studies how discriminatory fake news arises and spatially diffuses. It focuses on India at the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic: on March 30, a Muslim convention (the Tablighi Jamaat) in New Delhi became publicly recognized as a COVID hotspot, and the next day, fake news on Muslims intentionally spreading the virus spiked. Using Twitter data, it finds, in cross-sectional and difference-in-difference settings, that discriminatory fake news became much more widespread after March 30 (1) in New Delhi, (2) in districts closer to New Delhi, and (3) in districts with higher social media interactions with New Delhi. Further, it shows that, after March 30, discriminatory fake news was more common in districts historically exposed to attacks by Muslim groups. The final paper is a political economy paper that studies the short term and long term effect of earlier eligibility on voting in the context of a large North Italian municipality setting with little institutional barriers to voting. It also studies the differing mobilisation of members in the same household by newly eligible voters.

[strategies For Integration Of Health Care Practices And Sanitary Surveillance In The Context Of The Implementation Of Rede Cegonha - A Brazilian Mother And Infant Health Care Network].

Mother and infant mortality has been the scope of analysis throughout the history of public health in Brazil and various strategies to tackle the issue have been proposed to date. The Ministry of Health has been working on this and the Rede Cegonha strategy is the most recent policy in this context. Given the principle of comprehensive health care and the structure of the Unified Health System in care networks, it is necessary to ensure the integration of health care practices, among which are the sanitary surveillance actions (SSA). Considering that the integration of health care practices and SSA can contribute to reduce mother and infant mortality rates, this article is a result of qualitative research that analyzed the integration of these actions in four cities in the State of São Paulo/Brazil: Campinas, Indaiatuba, Jaguariúna and Santa Bárbara D'Oeste. The research was conducted through interviews with SSA and maternal health managers, and the data were evaluated using thematic analysis. The results converge with other studies, identifying the isolation of health care practices and SSA. The insertion of SSA in collectively-managed areas appears to be a potential strategy for health planning and implementation of actions in the context under scrutiny.

[strategies For Tackling Absenteeism In Dental Appointments In The Family Health Units Of A Large Municipality: Action Research].

The aim of this study was to analyze the reasons for missed appointments in dental Family Health Units (FHU) and implement strategies to reduce same through action research. This is a study conducted in 12 FHUs in Piracicaba in the State of São Paulo from January, 1 to December, 31 2010. The sample was composed of 385 users of these health units who were interviewed over the phone and asked about the reasons for missing dental appointments, as well as 12 dentists and 12 nurses. Two workshops were staged with professionals: the first to assess the data collected in interviews and develop strategy, and the second for evaluation after 4 months. The primary cause for missed appointments was the opening hours of the units coinciding with the work schedule of the users. Among the strategies suggested were lectures on oral health, ongoing education in team meetings, training of Community Health Agents, participation in therapeutic groups and partnerships between Oral Health Teams and the social infrastructure of the community. The adoption of the single medical record was the strategy proposed by professionals. The strategies implemented led to a 66.6% reduction in missed appointments by the units and the motivating nature of the workshops elicited critical reflection to redirect health practices.