929 resultados para Democratic Party (Pa.)
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Social capital a dense network of associations facilitating cooperation within a community typically leads to positive political and economic outcomes, as demonstrated by a large literature following Putnam. A growing literature emphasizes the potentially "dark side" of social capital. This paper examines the role of social capital in the downfall of democracy in interwar Germany by analyzing Nazi party entry rates in a cross-section of towns and cities. Before the Nazi Party's triumphs at the ballot box, it built an extensive organizational structure, becoming a mass movement with nearly a million members by early 1933. We show that dense networks of civic associations such as bowling clubs, animal breeder associations, or choirs facilitated the rise of the Nazi Party. The effects are large: Towns with one standard deviation higher association density saw at least one-third faster growth in the strength of the Nazi Party. IV results based on 19th century measures of social capital reinforce our conclusions. In addition, all types of associations veteran associations and non-military clubs, "bridging" and "bonding" associations positively predict NS party entry. These results suggest that social capital in Weimar Germany aided the rise of the Nazi movement that ultimately destroyed Germany's first democracy.
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Economists have recently turned their attention to the effects of terrorism. One much debated effect of terrorist attacks is its impact on the results of democratic elections. We use the electoral consequences of the terrorist attacks of the 11-M in Madrid to analyze this issue. We consider this particular experiment since the attack took place only three days before the 2004 Congressional Election, which allows the use of credible identification criteria. In particular, we use the advance voting by Spanish residents abroad, who cast their vote before the terrorist attack, to identify the effect of the bombing. We exploit this macabre natural experiment to run a difference-in-differences estimation using data on three consecutive Congressional elections. Our empirical results indicate that a terrorist attack can have a large impact on the outcome of democratic elections.
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This article presents a formal model of policy decision-making in an institutional framework of separation of powers in which the main actors are pivotal political parties with voting discipline. The basic model previously developed from pivotal politics theory for the analysis of the United States lawmaking is here modified to account for policy outcomes and institutional performances in other presidential regimes, especially in Latin America. Legislators' party indiscipline at voting and multi-partism appear as favorable conditions to reduce the size of the equilibrium set containing collectively inefficient outcomes, while a two-party system with strong party discipline is most prone to produce 'gridlock', that is, stability of socially inefficient policies. The article provides a framework for analysis which can induce significant revisions of empirical data, especially regarding the effects of situations of (newly defined) unified and divided government, different decision rules, the number of parties and their discipline. These implications should be testable and may inspire future analytical and empirical work.
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No chamado “mundo ocidental” a liberdade de expressão é considerada um direito inerente à condição humana, encontrando-se positivado em vários ordenamentos jurídicos dos mais diversos Estados como um direito fundamental. No caso de Cabo Verde a liberdade de expressão, nas suas múltiplas vertentes, nem sempre foi entendida como um direito fundamental. Atravessando o período colonial, os quinze anos de partido único que se seguiram à proclamação da independência e finalmente o período democrático que sucedeu à abertura política, a liberdade de expressão ou a sua ausência acabou por determinar a ossatura dos vários regimes, sendo de realçar que nos períodos de transição houve espaos de liberdade que acabaram por marcar a história desse pas.
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Speech by Governor Culver.
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According to the economic approach to politicaltransitions, transitory negative economic shocks can open a windowof opportunity for democratic improvement. Testing the theoryrequires a source of transitory shocks to the aggregate economy. Weuse rainfall shocks in Sub-Saharan African countries and find thatnegative rainfall shocks are followed by significant improvement indemocratic institutions. Instrumental variables estimates indicate thatfollowing a transitory negative income shock of 1 percent,democracy scores improve by 0.9 percentage points and theprobability of a democratic transition increases by 1.3 percentagepoints.
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Analiza los datos técnicas de la geometría de la red obtenidos directamente con el sistema de control de capturas Scanmar RX 400.
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En el crucero BIC Olaya 0205 (Callao-Puerto Pizarro), se monitoreó la selectividad de la red de arrastre de fondo Granton tipo 400x120 mm PA, empleando copo (90 mm) y sobrecopo (13 mm). La probabilidad de captura al 50%, en la subárea A fue de 4,52cm; en la B, de 25,46 cm y en la C de 26,14 cm. El L50% total de las subáreas A, B, C fue 25,15 cm, con un factor de selección 0,28 y un rango de selección de 8,55 cm.
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L’èxit de l’iniciativa ciutadana europea (ICE) com a instrument de democràcia directa a nivell europeu està directament relacionat amb la seva promulgació. Els ciutadans d’arreu Europa han d’estar informats sobre aquest nou mecanisme per tal que es dugui a terme, la qual cosa suposa una dificultat. Aquest estudi qualitatiu ens mostra els recursos i problemes en la divulgació de les ICE. Una anàlisi basat en entrevistes amb diferents organitzadors d’aquestes ICE que ens dona algunes idees sobre les seves estratègies de comunicació, així com l’ús d’eines de comunicació i relacions amb els mitjans de comunicació. A banda de les dificultats lingüístiques i financeres hi ha altres obstacles més específics relacionats amb l’ICE.
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Foi realizado um estudo micromorfológico em solos alterados após a exploração de bauxita, em sítios recuperados entre 1981 e 1987, em comparação ao Latossolo Amarelo inalterado (LA), como referência, para subsidiar indicadores de recuperação dos solos. O estudo foi desenvolvido no Platô Saracá, na mina de bauxita de Porto Trombetas, município de Oriximiná, no estado do Pará. Técnicas micromorfológicas e uso de microssonda de EDS, microscopia ótica e eletrônica de varredura foram avaliadas em conjunto com dados físicos e químicos dos solos alterados e do LA, nas profundidades de 0-10 e 40-50 cm. O Latossolo Amarelo mostrou forte microestrutura granular, enquanto os solos alterados apresentaram grande variabilidade em microestrutura e feições micropedológicas. O retorno do horizonte superficial, rico em matéria orgânica, favoreceu a microagregação. De modo geral, os solos alterados mostraram maior massividade e agregados mais coalescidos, em relação ao LA de referência. Análises microquímicas de EDS comprovaram a heterogeneidade dos solos superficiais alterados, com ocorrência de nódulos gibbsíticos, ferruginosos, concreções, agregados cauliníticos e plasma dominado por argilominerais 1:1, sob intensa pedobioturbação.
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According to most political scientists and commentators, direct democracy seems to weaken political parties. Our empirical analysis in the 26 Swiss cantons shows that this thesis in its general form cannot be maintained. Political parties in cantons with extensive use of referendums and initiatives are not in all respects weaker than parties in cantons with little use of direct democratic means of participation. On the contrary, direct democracy goes together with more professional and formalized party organizations. Use of direct democracy is associated with more fragmented and volatile party systems, and with greater support for small parties, but causal interpretations of these relationships are difficult.
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AbstractThis article demonstrates the importance of Angela Carter's translations of Charles Perrault's contes into English and argues for their profound influence on her subsequent literary career. Against feminist critics who rejected fairy tales as conservative and informed by patriarchal structures and values, Carter reclaimed Perrault for feminism by recovering the critical edge and emancipating potential of his Histoires ou contes du temps passé, Avec des Moralités. This essay shows, through a comparative reading of "La Belle au bois dormant" and "The Sleeping Beauty in the Wood," that Carter opposed the worldly "politics of experience" that she found in Perrault to the Disneyfied imagery of the Sleeping Beauty myth and modernized the critique of early marriages already contained in Perrault's Moralités. The subversive power of Carter's work, therefore, is not directed against Perrault but rather toward cultural and commercial appropriations of the fairy tale, which promote a naïve view of marriage.Recommended CitationHennard Dutheil de la Rochère, Martine. ""But marriage itself is no party": Angela Carter's Translation of Charles Perrault's "La Belle au bois dormant"; or, Pitting the Politics of Experience against the Sleeping Beauty Myth." Marvels & Tales 24.1 (2010).