952 resultados para Capitalist Law State


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In Feminism and the Power of Law Carol Smart argued that feminists should use non-legal strategies rather than looking to law to bring about women’s liberation. This article seeks to demonstrate that, as far as marriage is concerned, she was right. Statistics and contemporary commentary show how marriage, once the ultimate and only acceptable status for women, has declined in social significance to such an extent that today it is a mere lifestyle choice. This is due to many factors, including the ‘sexual revolution’ of the 1960s, improved education and job opportunities for women, and divorce law reform, but the catalyst for change was the feminist critique that called for the abandonment (rather than the reform) of the institution and made the unmarried state possible for women. I conclude that this loss of significance has been more beneficial to British women in terms of the possibility of ‘liberation’ than appeals for legal change and recognition, and that we should continue to be wary of looking to law to solve women’s problems.

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This thesis draws on the work of Franz Neumann, a critical theorist associated with the early Frankfurt School, to evaluate liberal arguments about political legitimacy and to develop an original account of the justification for the liberal state.

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The theory of wave–mean flow interaction requires a partition of the atmospheric flow into a notional background state and perturbations to it. Here, a background state, known as the Modified Lagrangian Mean (MLM), is defined as the zonally symmetric state obtained by requiring that every potential vorticity (PV) contour lying within an isentropic layer encloses the same mass and circulation as in the full flow. For adiabatic and frictionless flow, these two integral properties are time-invariant and the MLM state is a steady solution of the primitive equations. The time dependence in the adiabatic flow is put into the perturbations, which can be described by a wave-activity conservation law that is exact even at large amplitude. Furthermore, the effects of non-conservative processes on wave activity can be calculated from the conservation law. A new method to calculate the MLM state is introduced, where the position of the lower boundary is obtained as part of the solution. The results are illustrated using Northern Hemisphere ERA-Interim data. The MLM state evolves slowly, implying that the net non-conservative effects are weak. Although ‘adiabatic eddy fluxes’ cannot affect the MLM state, the effects of Rossby-wave breaking, PV filamentation and subsequent dissipation result in sharpening of the polar vortex edge and meridional shifts in the MLM zonal flow, both at tropopause level and on the winter stratospheric vortex. The rate of downward migration of wave activity during stratospheric sudden warmings is shown to be given by the vertical scale associated with polar vortex tilt divided by the time-scale for wave dissipation estimated from the wave-activity conservation law. Aspects of troposphere–stratosphere interaction are discussed. The new framework is suitable to examine the climate and its interactions with disturbances, such as midlatitude storm tracks, and makes a clean partition between adiabatic and non-conservative processes.

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My thesis uses legal arguments to demonstrate a requirement for recognition of same-sex marriages and registered partnerships between EU Member States. I draw on the US experience, where arguments for recognition of marriages void in some states previously arose in relation to interracial marriages. I show how there the issue of recognition today depends on conflicts of law and its interface with US constitutional freedoms against discrimination. I introduce the themes of the importance of domicile, the role of the public policy exception, vested rights, and relevant US constitutional freedoms. Recognition in the EU also depends on managing the tension between private international law and freedoms guaranteed by higher norms, in this case the EU Treaties and the European Convention on Human Rights. I set out the inconsistencies between various private international law systems and the problems this creates. Other difficulties are caused by the use of nationality as a connecting factor to determine personal capacity, and the overuse of the public policy exception. I argue that EU Law can constrain the use of conflicts law or public policy by any Member State where these are used to deny effect to same-sex unions validly formed elsewhere. I address the fact that family law falls only partly within Union competence, that existing EU Directives have had limited success at achieving full equality and that powers to implement new measures have not been used to their full potential. However, Treaty provisions outlawing discrimination on grounds of nationality can be interpreted so as to require recognition in many cases. Treaty citizenship rights can also be interpreted favourably to mandate recognition, once private international law is itself recognised as an obstacle to free movement. Finally, evolving interpretations of the European Convention on Human Rights may also support claims for cross-border recognition of existing relationships.

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There is growing concern amongst international lawyers that the United States’ use of unmanned armed vehicles to conduct lethal targeting operations against non-state actors is setting a dangerous precedent for the future and might lead to an erosion of important rules under international law. Taking seriously these concerns, this article examines in more detail the potential precedent created by the US through its lethal drone strikes and the provided justifications, for the purpose of the development of jus ad bellum. In identifying the claims made by the US under different theories of customary international law as qualified practice or expressions of opinio juris that can lead to an alteration of the law should they be accepted by the international community, this article takes a first step towards a more extensive debate on the potential effects of the US drone strikes on the development of international law.

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The third law of thermodynamics is formulated precisely: all points of the state space of zero temperature I""(0) are physically adiabatically inaccessible from the state space of a simple system. In addition to implying the unattainability of absolute zero in finite time (or ""by a finite number of operations""), it admits as corollary, under a continuity assumption, that all points of I""(0) are adiabatically equivalent. We argue that the third law is universally valid for all macroscopic systems which obey the laws of quantum mechanics and/or quantum field theory. We also briefly discuss why a precise formulation of the third law for black holes remains an open problem.

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The accretion of a phantom fluid with non-zero chemical potential by black holes is discussed with basis on the generalized second law of thermodynamics. For phantom fluids with positive temperature and negative chemical potential we demonstrate that the accretion process is possible, and that the condition guaranteeing the positiveness of the phantom fluid entropy coincides with the one required by the generalized second law. (C) 2010 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

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6 x 8cm(2) electrochromic devices (ECDs) with the configuration K-glass/EC-layer/electrotype/ion-storage (IS) layer/K-glass, have been assembled using Nb2O5:Mo EC layers, a (CeO2)(0.81)-TiO2 IS-layer and a new gelatin electrolyte containing Li+ ions. The structure of the electrolyte is X-ray amorphous. Its ionic conductivity passed by a maximum of 1.5 x 10(-5) S/CM for a lithium concentration of 0.3g/15ml. The value increases with temperature and follows an Arrhenius law with an activation energy of 49.5 kJ/mol. All solid-state devices show a reversible gray coloration, a long-term stability of more than 25,000 switching cycles (+/- 2.0 V/90 s), a transmission change at 550 nm between 60% (bleached state) and 40% (colored state) corresponding to a change of the optical density (Delta OD = 0. 15) with a coloration efficiency increasing from 10cm(2)/C (initial cycle) to 23cm(2)/C (25,000th cycle). (c) 2007 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

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Gibrat's law predicts that firm growth is purely random and should be independent of firm size. We use a random effects-random coefficient model to test whether Gibrat's law holds on average in the studied sample as well as at the individual firm level in the Swedish energy market. No study has yet investigated whether Gibrat's law holds for individual firms, previous studies having instead estimated whether the law holds on average in the samples studied. The present results support the claim that Gibrat's law is more likely to be rejected ex ante when an entire firm population is considered, but more likely to be confirmed ex post after market selection has "cleaned" the original population of firms or when the analysis treats more disaggregated data. From a theoretical perspective, the results are consistent with models based on passive and active learning, indicating a steady state in the firm expansion process and that Gibrat's law is violated in the short term but holds in the long term once firms have reached a steady state. These results indicate that approximately 70 % of firms in the Swedish energy sector are in steady state, with only random fluctuations in size around that level over the 15 studied years.

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This study looks at the historical context in which PACs developed, as well as the current legal environment in which they operate. It will also briefly discuss the legal and procedural challenges that candidates face and the ways in which PACs alleviate some of these pressures in ways that presidential committees cannot. An understanding of the strategic dilemmas which cause candidates to seek extraneous structures through which to establish campaign networks is essential to extrapolating the potential future of campaign finance strategy. Furthermore, this study provides an in-depth analysis of the state Commonwealth PACs both in terms of fundraising and spending, and discusses the central issues this state PAC strategy raises with respect to campaign finance law. The study will conclude with a look into the future of campaign financing and the role these state-level PACs may play if current rules are not revised.

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Previous to 1970, state and federal agencies held exclusive enforcement responsibilities over the violation of pollution control standards. However, recognizing that the government had neither the time nor resources to provide full enforcement, Congress created citizen suits. Citizen suits, first amended to the Clean Air Act in 1970, authorize citizens to act as private attorney generals and to sue polluters for violating the terms of their operating permits. Since that time, Congress has included citizen suits in 13 other federal statutes. The citizen suit phenomenon is sufficiently new that little is known about it. However, we do know that citizen suits have increased rapidly since the early 1980's. Between 1982 and 1986 the number of citizen suits jumped from 41 to 266. Obviously, they are becoming a widely used method of enforcing the environmental statutes. This paper will provide a detailed description, analysis and evaluation of citizen suits. It will begin with an introduction and will then move on to provide some historic and descriptive background on such issues as how citizen suit powers are delegated, what limitations are placed on the citizens, what parties are on each side of the suit, what citizens can enforce against, and the types of remedies available. The following section of the paper will provide an economic analysis of citizen suits. It will begin with a discussion of non-profit organizations, especially non-profit environmental organizations, detailing the economic factors which instigate their creation and activities. Three models will be developed to investigate the evolution and effects of citizen suits. The first model will provide an analysis of the demand for citizen suits from the point of view of a potential litigator showing how varying remedies, limitations and reimbursement procedures can effect both the level and types of activities undertaken. The second model shows how firm behavior could be expected to respond to citizen suits. Finally, a third model will look specifically at the issue of efficiency to determine whether the introduction of citizen enforcement leads to greater or lesser economic efficiency in pollution control. The database on which the analysis rests consists of 1205 cases compiled by the author. For the purposes of this project this list of citizen suit cases and their attributes were computerized and used to test a series of hypotheses derived from three original economic models. The database includes information regarding plaintiffs, defendants date notice and/or complaint was filed and statutes involved in the claim. The analysis focuses on six federal environmental statutes (Clean Water Act} Resource Conservation and Recovery Act, Comprehensive Environmental Response Compensation and Liability Act, Clean Air Act, Toxic Substances Control Act, and Safe Drinking Water Act) because the majority of citizen suits have occurred under these statutes.

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Uma democracia consolidada pressupõe um estado capaz, e para ambos é necessária uma nação forte e uma sociedade civil ativa. Diversas democracias na América Latina não alcançaram tais requisitos porque não completaram suas respectivas revoluções capitalistas, e o excedente econômico continua dependendo do controle direto do estado. Este fato demonstra que a qualidade das democracias varia de país para país, e prevê que as democracias possíveis nos países mais pobres serão necessariamente democracias limitadas. Desde que a democracia tornou-se uma justificativa para pressões e intervenções externas, é um erro incluir no conceito de democracia mais do que as necessidades mínimas, práticas. Por outro lado, para melhorar a democracia é necessário aumentar a capacidade do estado não apenas para assegurar o respeito às leis, mas também para promover o desenvolvimento econômico e social.

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This paper distinguishes the state (the law system and the organization that guarantees it) from the nation-state or country – the territorial political unit formed by a nation, a state and a territory. Second, it defines nation and civil society, understanding them that the nation and the civil society are the two forms of politically organized society that work as intermediary between society and the state. The formation of the nation-states and the industrial revolution are part of the capitalist revolution. Since that crucial historical transformation takes place in each giving society progress or development follows: the absolute state changes into the liberal one, and the liberal state into the democratic state, whereas the nation and civil society also get less unequal or more “democratized”. In this historical process the state is the basic instrument of collective action of the nation or of civil society.e

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Este trabalho objetiva demonstrar a impossibilidade estrutural de democratização do Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF) a partir da participação social nas audiências públicas jurisdicionais. Para tanto, o trabalho divide-se em três partes. Na primeira, são abordados dois fenômenos macrossociais, a crise do Estado de bem estar e a globalização econômica, com a finalidade de resgatar as principais interpretações sobre a emergência do Judiciário e identificar os projetos normativos de reforma originados. Dentre eles, destaca-se a perspectiva de Vianna e Burgos (2002), pois seu conteúdo é verificado nos discursos oficiais que interpretam as audiências públicas como instrumentos democratizantes do STF. No segundo capítulo, pretende-se questionar a possibilidade de democratização participativa do STF a partir da teoria política de Poulantzas (2000). Para esta matriz conceitual, o direito, na formação social capitalista, organiza interesses e unifica o consentimento de forma a moldar o corpo social de acordo com as prioridades das classes posicionadas no bloco do poder dominante. Prevê a concessão de direitos e sua retirada conforme os movimentos políticos das classes, que estão em contínua disputa no interior de um Estado de características materiais e permeado por fissuras. Nesse sentido, as audiências públicas, são interpretadas como procedimentos que sofisticam o formalismo tradicional dos tribunais, ocultando o exercício do controle por mecanismos que aparentemente concederiam espaço para participação popular e igualariam as oportunidades de intervenção de agentes de diferentes grupos sociais. Estas características sugerem a impossibilidade de democratização de suas estruturas. Por fim, no terceiro capítulo, o estudo de caso das cinco audiências realizadas evidencia a reprodução da disposição litigiosa do processo jurídico nestes eventos, uma vez que os ministros pouco participam, dispõem os participantes em lados opostos como se estivessem exercendo o contraditório e somente utilizam os pronunciamentos das audiências em seus votos para reforçar argumentos de seu interesse. De acordo com as informações sistematizadas, o presente estudo sugere que as audiências públicas não provocam impactos democratizantes nas estruturas do STF. Ao contrário, sofisticam os procedimentos existentes para reproduzir o tradicional papel de controle dos aparelhos judiciais no interior do capitalismo.

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Este trabalho analisa o exercício do controle social no Brasil, a partir do contexto mais geral que o estimulou, bem como do contexto interno que culminou na criação de espaços institucionalizados para a sua aplicação. Por meio da junção de estudos realizados por outros pesquisadores em Conselhos Gestores de Políticas Públicas nos três níveis governamentais – municipal, estadual e federal – e de estudo empírico, constatou-se que a forma como o exercício do controle social acontece na prática, em muito se distancia daquilo que prevê a lei. Tomando, então como base as dificuldades existentes no desenvolvimento do controle social, buscou-se em autores intérpretes do Brasil, e nas teorias sobre a origem e as funções do Estado moderno, possíveis explicações para este fato. Desta forma, considera-se que os entraves ao desenvolvimento do controle social no Brasil, se por um lado tem relação com características específicas ao país, por outro se deve à própria dinâmica histórica do sistema capitalista.