La responsabilité civile et pénale des organes dirigeants de sociétés anonymes

But et structure du travail La responsabilité civile des dirigeants sociaux fait déjà l'objet d'une littérature considérable; on constate néanmoins que les auteurs romands qui se sont intéressés à cette question sont finalement assez peu nombreux. D'ailleurs, à notre connaissance, aucun travail de recherche juridique approfondie n'a été récemment consacré en français à cette matière. Pourtant, plusieurs aspects de la responsabilité civile des organes dirigeants demeurent très controversés en doctrine. Parmi d'autres, on pense, par exemple, à la nature juridique de l'action en responsabilité ou à sa mise en oeuvre. Pour ces raisons, il nous paraît souhaitable de procéder, dans une première partie, à un examen approfondi des art. 754 ss CO. A cet égard, nous nous appuierons sur un appareil référentiel aussi complet que possible ; nous tenterons aussi de trancher les points qui ne cessent de diviser les auteurs. La première partie de l'étude compte sept titres. Le premier d'entre eux renferme des considérations tout à fait générales, notamment historiques, destinées à offrir au lecteur certains points de repère préalables, utiles à une bonne compréhension de la matière. Dans le deuxième titre, nous définirons le cercle des personnes légitimées à agir en responsabilité sur la base des art. 754 ss CO. Encore faut-il savoir quels sont les individus contre lesquels l'action en justice peut être intentée ou, en d'autres termes, ce qu'il faut entendre par «organes dirigeants ». C'est précisément la question à laquelle nous nous proposons de répondre dans le troisième titre de cette première partie. Cela étant, la responsabilité civile des dirigeants sociaux obéit à des conditions strictes : le demandeur doit établir un dommage, une violation des devoirs, un lien de causalité adéquate et une faute. Ces quatre conditions cumulatives feront l'objet d'un examen successif dans le quatrième titre. Il arrive aussi que ces conditions soient réunies, mais que, nonobstant, l'action en responsabilité n'aboutisse que partiellement, voire pas du tout. La raison doit être recherchée dans les causes de limitation ou d'exclusion de la responsabilité, en particulier la décharge votée par l'assemblée générale, le consentement du lésé (« volenti non fit injuria»), la prescription ou encore la compensation. C'est l'objet du titre cinquième. L'on relèvera encore que les actions en responsabilité sont généralement dirigées simultanément contre plusieurs dirigeants. On soulève ici la question essentielle de la solidarité entre les défendeurs et du règlement de leurs rapports internes ; nous y reviendrons au titre sixième. Enfin, pour que l'action du demandeur soit recevable, le demandeur doit agir devant le tribunal compétent ratione loci. Les problèmes de for seront donc abordés dans le titre septième. A la lecture de la doctrine, l'on est frappé de constater à quel point les auteurs qui, à ce jour, se sont risqués à rapprocher la responsabilité civile de la responsabilité pénale des organes dirigeants, sont rares. Pourtant, la lutte contre une criminalité économique toujours plus redoutable devrait tendre, ces prochaines années, à augmenter considérablement l'importance pratique du droit pénal des affaires. Dans ces conditions, il paraît impossible de faire abstraction du régime de responsabilité pénale encouru par les dirigeants sociaux. Nous y avons consacré la seconde partie de notre travail. Celle-ci se compose de quatre titres distincts, dont la numérotation s'inscrit dans le prolongement de la première partie. Le titre huitième contient des considérations générales, en particulier sur le rôle que le droit pénal est amené à jouer aujourd'hui dans la vie des affaires. Nous enchaînerons, dans un titre neuvième, avec l'examen des deux fondements envisageables de la responsabilité pénale des dirigeants. Nous traiterons d'abord de leur responsabilité à raison des infractions qu'ils commettent personnellement. Nous nous intéresserons ensuite à leur responsabilité pénale du fait d'autrui. Ces deux sources de responsabilité devront être illustrées. A ce titre, nous examinerons leur portée à la lumière du droit de la société anonyme, eu égard en particulier aux devoirs que le droit commercial met à la charge des dirigeants sociaux. C'est l'objet du titre dixième. Dans le titre onzième, nous procéderons à un bref examen de la responsabilité pénale de l'entreprise. Tout en rappelant les dispositions légales applicables en la matière, nous essayerons de mettre le doigt sur certaines incohérences que présente le système tel qu'il a été adopté par les Chambres fédérales. Nous traiterons ensuite de l'articulation probable entre la responsabilité pénale de l'entreprise et le régime de responsabilité pénale applicable à ses dirigeants physiques. Nous terminerons par rappeler, sous forme de synthèse, les principaux éléments qui se dégagent de notre travail.

Picking the Right Budget Constraint for Scotland

This position paper considers the devolution of further fiscal powers to the Scottish Parliament in the context of the objectives and remit of the Smith Commission. The argument builds on our discussion of fiscal decentralization made in our previous published work on this topic. We ask what sort of budget constraint the Scottish Parliament should operate with. A soft budget constraint (SBC) allows the Scottish Parliament to spend without having to consider all of the tax and, therefore, political consequences, of that spending, which is effectively the position at the moment. The incentives to promote economic growth through fiscal policy – on both the tax and spending sides are weak to non-existent. This is what the Scotland Act, 1998, and the continuing use of the Barnett block grant, gave Scotland. Now other budget constraints are being discussed – those of the Calman Commission (2009) and the Scotland Act (2012), as well as the ones offered in 2014 by the various political parties – Scottish Conservatives, Scottish Greens, Scottish Labour, the Scottish Liberal Democrats and the Scottish Government. There is also the budget constraint designed by the Holtham Commission (2010) for Wales that could just as well be used in Scotland. We examine to what extent these offer the hard budget constraint (HBC) that would bring tax policy firmly into the realm of Scottish politics, asking the Scottish electorate and Parliament to consider the costs to them of increasing spending in terms of higher taxes; or the benefits to them of using public spending to grow the tax base and own-sourced taxes? The hardest budget constraint of all is offered by independence but, as is now known, a clear majority of those who voted in the referendum did not vote for this form of budget constraint. Rather they voted for a significant further devolution of fiscal powers while remaining within a political and monetary union with the rest of the UK, with the risk pooling and revenue sharing that this implies. It is not surprising therefore that none of the budget constraints on offer, apart from the SNP’s, come close to the HBC of independence. However, the almost 25% fall in the price of oil since the referendum, a resource stream so central to the SNP’s economic policy making, underscores why there is a need for a trade off between a HBC and risk pooling and revenue sharing. Ranked according to the desirable characteristic of offering something approaching a HBC the least desirable are those of the Calman Commission, the Scotland Act, 2012, and Scottish Labour. In all of these the ‘elasticity’ of the block grant in the face of failure to grow the Scottish tax base is either not defined or is very elastic – meaning that the risk of failure is shuffled off to taxpayers outside of Scotland. The degree of HBC in the Scottish Conservative, Scottish Greens and Scottish Liberal Democrats proposals are much more desirable from an economic growth point of view, the latter even embracing the HBC proposed by the Holtham Commission that combines serious tax policy with welfare support in the long-run. We judge that the budget constraint in the SNP’s proposals is too hard as it does not allow for continuation of the ‘welfare union’ in the UK. We also consider that in the case of a generalized UK economic slow requiring a fiscal stimulus that the Scottish Parliament be allowed increased borrowing to be repaid in the next economic upturn.

Inter-regional redistribution through infrastructure investment: tactical or programmatic?

In this paper we analyze the effects of both tactical and programmatic politics on the inter-regional allocation of infrastructure investment. We use a panel of data for the Spanish electoral districts during the period 1964-2004 to estimate an equation where investment depends both on economic and political variables. The results show that tactical politics do matter since, after controlling for economic traits, the districts with more ‘Political power’ still receive more investment. These districts are those where the incumbents’ Vote margin of victory/ defeat in the past election is low, where the Marginal seat price is low, where there is Partisan alignment between the executives at the central and regional layers of government, and where there are Pivotal regional parties which are influential in the formation of the central executive. However, the results also show that programmatic politics matter, since inter-regional redistribution (measured as the elasticity of investment to per capita income) is shown to increase with the arrival of the Democracy and EU Funds, with Left governments, and to decrease the higher is the correlation between a measure of ‘Political power’ and per capita income.

Lobbying of Firms by Voters

A firm may induce voters or elected politicians to support a policy it favors by suggesting that it is more likely to invest in a district whose voters or representatives support the policy. In equilibrium, no one vote may be decisive, and the policy may gain strong support though the majority of districts suffer from adoption of the program. When votes reveal information about the district, the firm's implicit promise or threat can be credible.

Impact of voting advice applications on voters's decision-making

So-called online Voting Advice Applications (VAAs) have become very popular all over Europe. Millions of voters are using them as an assistance to make up their minds for which party they should vote. Despite this popularity there are only very few studies about the impact of these tools on individual electoral choice. On the basis of the Swiss VAA smartvote we present some first findings about the question whether VAAs do have a direct impact on the actual vote of their users. In deed, we find strong evidence that Swiss voters were affected by smartvote. However, our findings are somewhat contrary to the results of previous studies from other countries. Furthermore, the quality of available data for such studies needs to be improved. Future studies should pay attention to both: the improvement of the available data, as well as the explanation of the large variance of findings between the specific European countries.

Fiscal Federalism at the Ballot Box : The Relevance of Expressive Voting

This paper explores the impact of citizens' motivation to vote on the pattern of fiscal federalism. If the only concern of instrumental citizens was outcome they would have little incentive to vote because the probability that a single vote might change an electoral outcome is usually minuscule. If voters turn out in large numbers to derive intrinsic value from action, how will these voters choose when considering the role local jurisdictions should play? The first section of the paper assesses the weight that expressive voters attach to an instrumental evaluation of alternative outcomes. Predictions are tested with reference to case study analysis of the way Swiss voters assessed the role their local jurisdiction should play. The relevance of this analysis is also assessed with reference to the choice that voters express when considering other local issues. Textbook analysis of fiscal federalism is premised on the assumption that voters register choice just as 'consumers' reveal demand for services in a market, but how robust is this analogy.

Three Essays on the Formation and Impact of Economic Policy

Introduction In my thesis I argue that economic policy is all about economics and politics. Consequently, analysing and understanding economic policy ideally has at least two parts. The economics part, which is centered around the expected impact of a specific policy on the real economy both in terms of efficiency and equity. The insights of this part point into which direction the fine-tuning of economic policies should go. However, fine-tuning of economic policies will be most likely subject to political constraints. That is why, in the politics part, a much better understanding can be gained by taking into account how the incentives of politicians and special interest groups as well as the role played by different institutional features affect the formation of economic policies. The first part and chapter of my thesis concentrates on the efficiency-related impact of economic policies: how does corporate income taxation in general, and corporate income tax progressivity in specific, affect the creation of new firms? Reduced progressivity and flat-rate taxes are in vogue. By 2009, 22 countries are operating flat-rate income tax systems, as do 7 US states and 14 Swiss cantons (for corporate income only). Tax reform proposals in the spirit of the "flat tax" model typically aim to reduce three parameters: the average tax burden, the progressivity of the tax schedule, and the complexity of the tax code. In joint work, Marius Brülhart and I explore the implications of changes in these three parameters on entrepreneurial activity, measured by counts of firm births in a panel of Swiss municipalities. Our results show that lower average tax rates and reduced complexity of the tax code promote firm births. Controlling for these effects, reduced progressivity inhibits firm births. Our reading of these results is that tax progressivity has an insurance effect that facilitates entrepreneurial risk taking. The positive effects of lower tax levels and reduced complexity are estimated to be significantly stronger than the negative effect of reduced progressivity. To the extent that firm births reflect desirable entrepreneurial dynamism, it is not the flattening of tax schedules that is key to successful tax reforms, but the lowering of average tax burdens and the simplification of tax codes. Flatness per se is of secondary importance and even appears to be detrimental to firm births. The second part of my thesis, which corresponds to the second and third chapter, concentrates on how economic policies are formed. By the nature of the analysis, these two chapters draw on a broader literature than the first chapter. Both economists and political scientists have done extensive research on how economic policies are formed. Thereby, researchers in both disciplines have recognised the importance of special interest groups trying to influence policy-making through various channels. In general, economists base their analysis on a formal and microeconomically founded approach, while abstracting from institutional details. In contrast, political scientists' frameworks are generally richer in terms of institutional features but lack the theoretical rigour of economists' approaches. I start from the economist's point of view. However, I try to borrow as much as possible from the findings of political science to gain a better understanding of how economic policies are formed in reality. In the second chapter, I take a theoretical approach and focus on the institutional policy framework to explore how interactions between different political institutions affect the outcome of trade policy in presence of special interest groups' lobbying. Standard political economy theory treats the government as a single institutional actor which sets tariffs by trading off social welfare against contributions from special interest groups seeking industry-specific protection from imports. However, these models lack important (institutional) features of reality. That is why, in my model, I split up the government into a legislative and executive branch which can both be lobbied by special interest groups. Furthermore, the legislative has the option to delegate its trade policy authority to the executive. I allow the executive to compensate the legislative in exchange for delegation. Despite ample anecdotal evidence, bargaining over delegation of trade policy authority has not yet been formally modelled in the literature. I show that delegation has an impact on policy formation in that it leads to lower equilibrium tariffs compared to a standard model without delegation. I also show that delegation will only take place if the lobby is not strong enough to prevent it. Furthermore, the option to delegate increases the bargaining power of the legislative at the expense of the lobbies. Therefore, the findings of this model can shed a light on why the U.S. Congress often practices delegation to the executive. In the final chapter of my thesis, my coauthor, Antonio Fidalgo, and I take a narrower approach and focus on the individual politician level of policy-making to explore how connections to private firms and networks within parliament affect individual politicians' decision-making. Theories in the spirit of the model of the second chapter show how campaign contributions from lobbies to politicians can influence economic policies. There exists an abundant empirical literature that analyses ties between firms and politicians based on campaign contributions. However, the evidence on the impact of campaign contributions is mixed, at best. In our paper, we analyse an alternative channel of influence in the shape of personal connections between politicians and firms through board membership. We identify a direct effect of board membership on individual politicians' voting behaviour and an indirect leverage effect when politicians with board connections influence non-connected peers. We assess the importance of these two effects using a vote in the Swiss parliament on a government bailout of the national airline, Swissair, in 2001, which serves as a natural experiment. We find that both the direct effect of connections to firms and the indirect leverage effect had a strong and positive impact on the probability that a politician supported the government bailout.

Three essays on leadership

ABSTRACT Samuel Bendahan, John Antonakis, Christian Zehnder, and François Pralong The relationship between power and immoral decisions has been discussed extensively by scientists and philosophers alike. Although the exercise of power is ubiquitous in social hierarchies, direct evidence on the impact of power on decision making is scarce. We use laboratory experiments to study whether more power leads to corruption. We manipulate power in the context of leader decision-making authority involving monetary stakes. Prior to the experiment, we also gathered extensive data on psychological and endocrinological individual differences. We find that an increase of power caused leaders to be more likely to engage in destructive, selfish behaviour, although the same subjects did not behave in this manner before their level of power was increased. We also show how individual differences affect the initial level of destructive behaviour and the corruption process. WHAT'S RIGHT FOR THE LEFT MAY NOT BE RIGHT FOR THE RIGHT: VALUE CONGRUENCE AND CHARISMA IN POLITICAL LEADERSHIP Samuel Bendahan ABSTRACT Value congruence between leaders and followers is important not only for follower commitment but also as part of the attributions followers make of leaders. I theorized that transformational leadership, which often is referred to as being value driven and having strong moral foundations, has differential effects depending on the values of the follower and whether these values are congruent with what the leader espouses. I designed an experiment to analyze how the political values of followers and leaders can influence followers' attributions regarding leaders. Within the context of political leadership, I found that transformational leaders were seen as more prototypical. Value congruence predicted prototypicality, which was strongly related to follower intentions to vote for the leader. Furthermore, followers with left-wing political values were more influenced by prototypical leaders than were followers with right-wing political values, presumably because of moral overtones of both left-wing ideology and transformational leadership. JUDGING LEADERSHIP POTENTIAL IN AN INTERVIEW: MODERATING EFFECT OF INTERVIEWER INTELLIGENCE ON INTERVIEWER COGNITIVE BUSYNESS, CANDIDATE PERFORMANCE-CUES EFFECTS, AND CANDIDATE ETHNICITY Samuel Bendahan, Philippe Jacquart, and John Antonakis ABSTRACT A large body of literature suggests that interviewers do not accurately rate candidates when using unstructured interviews and evaluation procedures that affect pre-interview expectations; however, the process by which these biases are produced is not well understood. We theorized several reasons for the sub-par performance of the unstructured interview. These factors, which we manipulated in the context of a videotaped interview of a candidate applying for a leadership position, include evaluator cognitive load, pre-interview performance cues regarding the candidate, and the ethnicity of the candidate. We also controlled for the intelligence of the evaluator. We found a significant four-way interaction between the manipulated factors and evaluators' cognitive abilities. The effects of the manipulated factors were all significantly less for evaluators who were high on general intelligence.

Repeated Agenda Setting and the Unanimous Approval of Bad Policies

This paper addresses the puzzle of why legislation, even highly inefficient legislation, may pass with overwhelming majorities. We model a egislature in which the same agenda setter serves for two periods, showing how he can exploit a legislature (completely) in the first period by romising future benefits to legislators who support him. In equilibrium, large majority of legislators vote for the first-period proposal because a ote in favor maintains the chance for membership in the minimum winning coalition in the future. The model thus generates situations in which egislators approve policies by large majorities, or even unanimously, that enefit few, or even none, of them. The results are robust: some institutional arrangements, such as super-majority rules or sequential voting, imit but do not eliminate the agenda setter's power to exploit the legislature, and other institutions such as secret voting do not limit his power.

Les symbioses industrielles : une nouvelle stratégie pour l'amélioration de l'utilisation des ressources matérielles et énergétiques par les activités économiques

RésuméCette thèse traite d'un domaine d'application de l'écologie industrielle, les symbioses industrielles, comme stratégie d'amélioration de la consommation des ressources matérielles et énergétiques et de la gestion des déchets par les activités économiques. Les symbioses industrielles cherchent à créer de nouvelles collaborations directement entre les acteurs économiques d'un territoire dans le but d'échanger de l'information, des matières premières et des déchets, et d'intensifier les mutualisations de services et d'infrastructures possibles entre entreprises voisines. Ces quatre types de collaboration sont représentés schématiquement dans la figure ci-dessous.Dans ce travail, la détection et la mise en oeuvre de symbioses industrielles sont abordées sous plusieurs angles. Les recherches réalisées concernent le développement de procédures de mise en oeuvre s'adressant aux collectivités publiques, aux institutions académiques et aux bureaux de conseil dans le domaine de l'environnement. Les objectifs des procédures sont de créer une dynamique de collaboration et de confiance entre les acteurs économiques et l'administration publique d'un territoire afin de détecter des symbioses industrielles potentielles. Ces procédures requièrent la gestion de grandes quantités d'informations relatives aux flux de matière et d'énergie.Un travail de terrain, réalisé sur les territoires du canton de Genève et de Lausanne Région et utilisé comme études de cas, a permis de mettre en évidence un grand nombre de symbioses industrielles qui existent déjà en Suisse romande. Plusieurs dizaines d'exemples ont été identifiés principalement dans lesdomaines de la gestion de l'eau, de l'énergie, des produits chimiques et des matériaux de construction. La législation suisse autoriserait cependant la concrétisation de nombreuses autres opportunités. Dans cette recherche, celles-ci sont évaluées techniquement, légalement, économiquement et environnementalement. La création d'un référentiel d'évaluation des opportunités permet de déterminer quelles sont les symbioses industrielles techniquement réalisables et pertinentes dans le contexte suisse et dans quels cas celles-ci représenteraient une réelle plus-value par rapport à l'utilisation actuelle de la ressource et aux filières existantes de collecte et de valorisation des déchets.Finalement, un logiciel, SymbioGIS, destiné à soutenir la détection et l'évaluation de symbioses industrielles potentielles a été développé. Il s'agit d'une interface web accessible pour de nombreux utilisateurs, couplée à une interface de systèmes d'information géographique. En plus de la détection de symbioses industrielles, plusieurs fonctionnalités sont proposées pour faciliter la prise en compte des flux de matière et d'énergie dans les problématiques liées à l'aménagement du territoire et au positionnement des activités économiques.En conclusion, cette recherche met en évidence la nécessité de rapprocher les institutions publiques en charge de la protection de l'environnement, de la promotion économique et de l'aménagement du territoire pour favoriser l'essor des symbioses industrielles comme stratégie pour la gestion des ressources matérielles et énergétiques. Elle propose des pistes pour intensifier les collaborations entre ces domaines et accélérer le partage des connaissances liées aux flux de matière et d'énergie et à leur cheminement au sein des activités économiques afin de rendre le système industriel existant en Suisse romande viable à long terme. Parallèlement, elle étudie les possibilités de transposer ces considérations et les procédures et outils développés dans le contexte économique et social de la région Asie-Pacifique, où se trouvent aujourd'hui de nombreuses activités de production.SummaryIndustrial symbioses: A new strategy for improving how economic activities use material and energy resourcesThis thesis focuses on one application of industrial ecology, industrial symbioses, as a strategy for improving how economic activities consume material and energy resources. Industrial symbioses seek to create new collaborations among economic players with the goal of exchanging information, raw materials, and waste directly among area businesses, and to step up the potential pooling of services and infrastructure among neighboring companies.The identification and implementation of industrial symbioses are studied from several angles. The research first examines the development of implementation procedures for government bodies, academic institutions, and environmental consulting services. The purpose of the procedures is to create a dynamic of collaboration and trust between the economic players and the public officials in a region in order to identify potential industrial symbioses. The procedures necessitate managing large amounts of information about material and energy flows.Fieldwork conducted in the canton of Geneva and the Lausanne region, and used as case studies for the research, highlights a great number of industrial symbioses that already exist in French-speaking Switzerland. Several dozen examples are identified, primarily in the areas of water management, energy, chemical products, and building materials; however, Swiss law would permit many others. The research evaluates these opportunities from a technical, legal, economic, and environmental standpoint. By developing an assessment framework it is possible to determine which industrial symbioses are technically feasible and pertinent in Switzerland, and under what circumstances they would represent real added value compared to the current use of the resource and to existing systems for collecting and reusing waste.Lastly, SymbioGIS software was developed to help identify and assess potential industrial symbioses. The program's Web-based interface can be accessed by multiple users and is coupled with an interface that provides geographic information. In addition to identifying industrial symbioses, several program functionalities make it easier to consider material and energy flows with regard to local development issues and siting economic activities.In conclusion, the research highlights the need to bring together public institutions charged with protecting the environment, promoting economic activity, and overseeing development in order to foster the expansion of industrial symbioses as a strategy for managing material and energy resources. It proposes solutions for stepping up collaboration among these players and accelerating the sharing of knowledge about material and energy flows and their paths within economic activities with the goal of making theexisting industrial system in French-speaking Switzerland viable long-term. Also examined were thepossibilities of transposing these considerations and the study's findings about Switzerland to the economic and social context of the Asia-Pacific region, where much production is now located.

Pre-Election Positions and Voting Behaviour in Parliament: Consistency among Swiss MPs

This article examines the determinants of positional incongruence between pre-election statements and post-election behaviour in the Swiss parliament between 2003 and 2009. The question is examined at the individual MP level, which is appropriate for dispersion-of-powers systems like Switzerland. While the overall rate of political congruence reaches about 85%, a multilevel logit analysis detects the underlying factors which push or curb a candidate's propensity to change his or her mind once elected. The results show that positional changes are more likely when (1) MPs are freshmen, (2) individual voting behaviour is invisible to the public, (3) the electoral district magnitude is not small, (4) the vote is not about a party's core issue, (5) the MP belongs to a party which is located in the political centre, and (6) if the pre-election statement dissents from the majority position of the legislative party group. Of these factors, the last one is paramount.

Does VAA popularity pay off ? : Smartvote users preferred candidates and their results in the 2007 Swiss federal elections

Voting is fundamental for democracy, however, this decisive democratic act requires quite an effort. Decision making at elections depends largely on the interest to gather information about candidates and parties, the effort to process the information at hand and the motivation to reach a vote choice. Especially in electoral systems with highly fragmented party systems and hundreds of candidates running for office, the process of decision making in the pre‐election sphere is highly demanding. In the age of information and communication technologies, new possibilities for gathering and processing such information are available. Voting Advice Applications (VAAs) provide guidance to voters prior to the act of voting and assist voters in choosing between different candidates and parties on the basis of issue congruence. Meanwhile widely used all over the world, scientific inquiry into the effect of such tools on electoral behavior is ongoing. This paper adds to the current debate by focusing on whether the popularity of candidates on the Swiss VAA smartvote eventually paid off at the 2007 Swiss federal elections and whether there is a direct link between the performance of a candidate on the tool and his or her electoral performance.

Annual Output Statement 2007 For Health Group of Votes

Annual Output Statement 2007 For Health Group of Votes The overall aim of this Vote Group is to provide health and personal social services to improve the health and well being of the people of Ireland in a manner that promotes better health for everyone, fair access, responsive and appropriate care delivery and high performance. The money voted goes to the of Health and Children (Vote 39), the Health Service Executive (Vote 40), and the Office of the Minister for Children (Vote 41). Click here to download PDF 92kb

Department of Health and Children Annual Output Statement 2008

The overall aim of this Vote Group is to provide health and personal social services to improve the health and well being of the people of Ireland in a manner that promotes better health for everyone, fair access, responsive and appropriate care delivery and high performance. The money voted goes to the Department of Health and Children (Vote 39), the Health Service Executive (Vote 40), and the Office of the Minister for Children (Vote 41). The Department of Health and Children has responsibility for the overall organisational, legislative, policy and financial accountability framework for the health sector. The Health Service Executive is responsible for the management and delivery of health and personal social services within available resources. The Office of the Minister for Children (OMC) brings together functions relating to children and their well being, along with policy functions on Youth Justice and Early Years Education. Download document here