The Presidential Institution in Bulgaria, Albania and Romani: An Attempt at Comparison"

Bulgaria, Albania and Romania are all parliamentary republics with a president as head of state. Although the Albanian president is elected by Parliament, he is arguably the strongest of the three, both in terms of the powers allowed by the provisional constitution and of Mr. Berisha's political practice. The constitutional reform underway in the country will however change the status quo. In Bulgaria and Romania the presidents are elected directly by popular vote, but their powers are relatively small as compared to the democratic legitimisation implied by direct elections. Actual presidential powers should however be assessed with caution as some of them are set by law or interpretations of constitutional texts, rather than by the constitutions themselves. There is also variation in the degree to which the presidents in office have exploited their constitutional powers or taken their role as non-aligned political brokers seriously. Mr. Berisha, in particular, was in control of party politics throughout his presidency and was one of the most polarising influences on public opinion. The excessive political polarisation in all three countries has however its own logic and power. Thus Mr. Zhelev invariably supported the emergence of a political centre in Bulgaria, but this did not succeed and the policy was as damaging to his political career as the fight with would-be centrists was to Berisha's. Political practice in all three countries seems to need a presidential figure. This adds flexibility to a situation governed by hostile and mutually suspicious parties, stuck parliaments and weak or inexperienced governments. The presidents also command considerable influence on public opinion. Public opinion in Bulgaria, for example, largely supports the idea of greater power for the president, in contrast with the opinions of constitutionalists and other law-makers in the country. Under the legacy of the past, the people have a love-hate relationship with such paternalist figures. Presidents personalise politics in the public mind, but they can also become scapegoats for political failures.

Die Europäische Union auf dem Weg zur Verfassungsrechtsgemeinschaft

Obwohl der Ursprung der europäischen Einigungsgeschichte im wirtschaftlichen Bereich lag, hatte die Integration von Beginn an auch politischen Charakter. Schon die römischen Verträge enthielten Ansätze einer Konstitutionalisierung und auch die Bezeichnung der Verträge als Verfassung wurde seit den 60er-Jahren unter Rechtswissenschaftlern immer gebräuchlicher, auch wenn dies stets umstritten war. Unabhängig vom Streit über den Verfassungsbegriff hat die von den Verträgen gebildete Rechtsordnung jedenfalls inhaltlich Verfassungscharakter. Sie enthält Regelungen, die man gemeinhin mit einer Staatsverfassung verbindet. Die europäische Integration war stets von verfassungsrechtlichen Idealen getragen, weshalb man die Mitgliedstaaten auch als eine Verfassungsrechtsgemeinschaft bezeichnen kann. Bedeutende Weiterentwicklungen erfuhr der Konstitutionalisierungsprozess mit der Konventsmethode und der Erarbeitung der Grundrechte-Charta. Fortgesetzt wurde dieser Prozess mit dem Entwurf über den Verfassungsvertrag für Europa. Da in ihm typische Gehalte einer Verfassung verkörpert sind, verdient er durchaus auch diese Bezeichnung. Auf seiner Basis sollte ein schlanker, übersichtlicher und verständlicher Verfassungstext geschaffen werden, der die Reform und Integration Europas weiter führt und ein Instrument der Identitätsstiftung sein kann.

The Swiss Schools have been Governed by Local Lay Authorities

After the introduction of the liberal-democratic constitutions in the Swiss cantons in the first half of the 1830ies the grid of existing schools has been systemized and broadly expanded. The school systems have ever since been characterized by one key element: a special local authority type called „Schulkommission“ or „Schulpflege“. They take the form of committees consisting of laymen that are appointed by democratic elections like all the other executive bodies on the different federal levels in Switzerland. When it comes to their obligations and activities these community level school committees conform very much to the school boards in the American and Canadian school systems. They are accountable for the selection and supervision of the teachers. They approve decisions about the school careers of pupils and about curricular matters like the choice of school books. Normally their members are elected by the local voters for four year terms of office (reelection remains possible) and with regard to pedagogics they normally are non-professionals. The board members are responsible for classes and teachers assigned to them and they have to go to see them periodically. These visitations and the board meetings each month together with the teachers enable the board members to attain a deep insight into what happens in their schools over the course of their term of office. But they are confronted as laymen with a professional teaching staff and with educational experts in the public administration. Nevertheless this form of executive power by non-professionals is constitutive for the state governance in the Swiss as well as in other national political environments. It corresponds to the principles of subsidiarity and militia and therefore allows for a strong accentuation of liberty and the right of self-determination, two axioms at the very base of democratic federalist ideology. This governance architecture with this strong accent on local anchorage features substantial advantages for the legitimacy and acceptability of political and administrative decisions. And this is relevant especially in the educational area because the rearing of the offspring is a project of hope and, besides, quite costly. In the public opinion such supervision bodies staffed by laymen seem to have certain credibility advances in comparison with the professional administration. They are given credit to be capable of impeding the waste of common financial resources and of warranting the protection and the fostering of the community’s children at once. Especially because of their non-professional character they are trusted to be reliably immune against organizational blindness and they seem to be able to defend the interests of the local community against the standardization and centralization aspirations originating from the administrational expertocracy. In the paper these common rationales will be underpinned by results of a comprehensive historical analysis of the Session protocols of three Bernese school commissions from 1835 to 2005.

Rechtliche Grundlagen für die Ernährungssicherheit in der Schweiz

The Right to Food, as enshrined in international law, has found its way into national constitutions and practices. What matters from a national and international legal point of view is how this policy objective is implemented. In Switzerland, a number of policies and their instruments are relevant here, namely agricultural, supply/stockpile, trade and development policies. This paper (in German) asks whether the policy instruments are coherent and how implementation conflicts and negative spill-over effects could be minimised. It finds that the four policy objectives enshrined in the Federal Constitution are not in themselves incoherent. However, certain Swiss agricultural policy instruments, even where they are compatible with relevant rules of the World Trade Organization (WTO), do have an avoidable negative impact on the Right to Food of developing country producers, because Swiss Food Security is overwhelmingly and increasingly defined by agricultural (self-reliance) policies (“Food Sovereignty”). This implies higher domestic food prices, commercial displacement and food dumping. The conclusions suggest a number of optimisations as a contribution to the presently on-going reform process for 1983 National Economic Supply Act 1983 (NESA), such as virtual stockpiles and taxpayer-financed stockpile costs.

From The Hague to Geneva: The protection of civilians and refugees in the perspective of legal history, 1899-1951

The presentation proposed here shall focus on international (and as far as possible some cases of national) legal protection of civilians and refugees between the first Hague Convention of 1899 and the Geneva Convention for the Protection of Refugees in 1951. An analysis of international legal texts as well as, if possible, some exemplary national constitutions will form the core of the presentation, which will try to find out, to what extent not only the civilian population remaining close to front-line fighting, but also under occupation was supposed to be protected by legal norms, but also to what extent the issue of forcing civilian to leave their homes became part of the international legal discourse as well as of international legal norms.

Chlorophyll Breakdown in Tobacco: On the Structure of Two Nonfluorescent Chlorophyll Catabolites

In extracts of senescent leaves of the tobacco plant Nicotiana rustica, two colorless compounds with UV/VIS characteristics of nonfluorescent chlorophyll catabolites (NCCs) were detected and tentatively identified as Nr-NCCs. These two polar NCCs were found in similar amounts in the fresh extracts, and their constitutions could be determined by spectroscopic analysis. The data showed both of the two Nr-NCCs to have the same tetrapyrrolic core structure, as reported previously for all other NCCs from senescent higher plants. In the less polar catabolite, named Nr-NCC-2, this core structure was conjugated with a glucopyranose unit, as similarly discovered earlier in Bn-NCC-2, an NCC from oilseed rape (Brassica napus). The more polar NCC from tobacco leaves, Nr-NCC-1, carried an additional malonyl substituent at the 6′-OH group of the glucopyranosyl moiety. Partial (enzyme-catalyzed) hydrolysis of Nr-NCC-1 gave Nr-NCC-2, while enzyme-catalyzed malonylation of Nr-NCC-2 gave Nr-NCC-1, establishing the identity of their basic tetrapyrrole structure. In earlier work (on the polar NCCs from oilseed rape), only separate glucopyranosyl and malonyl functionalities were detected. Nr-NCC-1, thus, represents a further variant of the structures of NCCs from senescent higher plants and exhibits an unprecedented peripheral refunctionalization in chlorophyll catabolites.

Meine Idee für die Verfassung Preußens und Deutschlands: I. Einleitung: Was ich dem Volke hier mitzutheilen habe, ist kein Plan, sondern nur eine Idee ...

Welsch (Projektbearbeiter): Plädoyer für einen "demokratische[n] Constitutionalismus" mit sozialen Elementen zur Durchsetzung der "Freiheit und Selbstherrschaft des Volkes, ... Hebung der materiellen Wohlfahrt und Herstellung eines einen und untheilbaren deutschen Reiches". Zu erreichen ist dieses Ziel nur dadurch, "daß einer der deutschen Staaten die demokratisch-sociale Constitutions-Monarchie gründet und alsdann die übrigen ... in sich aufnimmt." Nebst eingehender Darstellung von konstitutionellen, politischen und administrativen Einzelheiten. Offenbar teilweise von einem Plakat Cohnfelds übernommen (vgl. Sf 16/110, Nr. 4)

The Political Economy of Constitutional Choice: A Study of the 2005 Kenyan Constitutional Referendum

Recent studies of the linkages between the wealth of nations and the institutions of governance suggest that concentrating political power in a monarchy or a ruling coalition impedes economic growth and, moreover, that while power-diffusing reforms can enhance the wellbeing of society in general, opposition by groups benefitting from the status quo is predictable. In November 2005, Kenyans rejected a proposed constitution that, despite promises made by their new chief executive, would not have lessened the powers of the presidency. Using a unique, constituency-level dataset on the referendum vote, we estimate a model of the demand for power diffusion and find that ethnic groups' voting decisions are influenced by their expected gains and losses from constitutional change. The results also highlights the importance of ethnic divisions in hindering the power-diffusion process, and thus establish a channel through which ethnic fragmentation adversely impacts economic development.

Nuevos procesos constituyentes en Nuestra América y su vinculación con las prácticas políticas

Este artículo trata sobre las constituciones de nuevo cuño del siglo XXI – Venezuela, Bolivia y Ecuador– indagando en los procesos políticos de los cuales son expresión. Se reflexiona acerca de por qué los movimientos políticos que los conducen avanzaron en la creación de constituciones antes de haberse consolidado en lo estructural o de haber producido cambios sociales de fondo. Se interroga también si se puede hablar de un nuevo constitucionalismo en dichos procesos y en torno a qué sería nuevo. Además, se ofrece información sobre los respectivos textos constitucionales en perspectiva comparada con algunos aspectos de la Constitución de Argentina.

Religión y política entre los primeros cristianos : proyecciones de la nueva mentalidad en la patrística temprana

El artículo se compone de una introducción que examina el pasaje evangélico de Mc 12, 13-17 en relación con el pago de los impuestos, como la fuente sustancial de la arcaica problemática religioso-política cristiana. El tema de religión y política de intrínseca complejidad incluye el estudio de un documento gnóstico directo, el Tratado Tripartito (NHC I, 5), porque él encierra el vocabulario filosófico político usado por los primeros cristianos. El estudio del testimonio investigado es, además, de utilidad, porque permite analizar con superior tecnicismo la concepción político-religiosa de Pablo de Tarso y sus posibles aplicaciones a la cultura política cristiana en formación. Teniendo en cuenta este contexto es posible ir más a fondo en la captación del sentido del kath’ ékhon que aparece en la epístola deutero-paulina a los tesalonicenses (2 Tes. 2, 1-12) y la relación de este conjunto de conceptos político-religiosos con las ideas paralelas, aunque ambivalentes, acuñadas por los autores de las generaciones inmediatas, es decir, los Padres Apostólicos. Las conclusiones abordan las consecuencias que se pueden extraer de estos planteamientos antiguos que se han mantenido en el Medioevo, y su posible efectividad para el mejoramiento de la concepción cristiana actual de la política.

Politics of the 1945 Constitution:Democratization and Its Impact on Political Institutions in Indonesia

Introduction : Before 1998, no one could think about the amendment of the 1945 Constitution. The 1945 Constitution was a product of nationalist who had hard fought for independence from the Dutch colonization. This historical background made it the symbol of independence of the Indonesian nation. Thus, it has been considered as forbidden to touch contents of the 1945 Constitution whereas political leaders have legitimized their authoritarian rulership by utilizing a symbolic character of the Constitution. With the largest political turmoil since its independence, that is, a breakdown of authoritarian regime and democratic transformation in 1998-1999, however, a myth of the "sacred and inviolable" constitution has disappeared. A new theme has then aroused: how can the 1945 Constitution be adapted for a new democratic regime in Indonesia? 　　　The Indonesian modern state has applied the 1945 Constitution as the basic law since its independence in 1945, except for around 10 years in the 1950s. In the period of independence struggle, contrary to the constitutional provision that a kind of presidential system is employed, a cabinet responsible for the Central National Committee was installed. Politics under this institution was in practice a parliamentary system of government. After the Dutch transferred sovereignty to Indonesia in 1949, West European constitutionalism and party politics under a parliamentary system was fully adopted with the introduction of two new constitutions: the 1949 Constitution of Federal Republic of Indonesia and the 1950 Provisional Constitution of Republic of Indonesia. Since a return from the 1950 Constitution to the 1945 Constitution was decided with the Presidential Decree in 1959, the 1945 Constitution had supported two authoritarian regimes of Soekarno's "Guided Democracy" and Soeharto's "New Order" as a legal base. When the 32-year Soeharto's government fell down and democratization started in 1998, the 1945 Constitution was not replaced with a new one, as seen in many other democratizing countries, but successively reformed to adapt itself to a new democratic regime. In the result of four constitutional amendments in 1999-2002, political institutions in Indonesia are experiencing a transformation from an authoritative structure, in which the executive branch monopolized power along with incompetent legislative and judicial branches, to a modern democratic structure, in which the legislative branch can maintain predominance over the executive. However, as observed that President Abdurrahman Wahid, the first president ever elected democratically in Indonesian history, was impeached after one and a half years in office, democratic politics under a new political institution has never been stable. 　　　Under the 1945 Constitution, how did authoritarian regimes maintain stability? Why can a democratic regime not achieve its stability? What did the two constitutional amendments in the process of democratization change? In the first place, how did the political institutions stipulated by the 1945 Constitution come out? Through answering the above questions, this chapter intends to survey the historical continuity and change of political institutions in Indonesia along with the 1945 Constitutions and to analyze impact of regime transformation on political institutions. First, we examine political institutions stipulated by the original 1945 Constitution as well as historical and philosophical origins of the constitution. Second, we search constitutional foundations in the 1945 Constitution that made it possible for Soekarno and Soeharto to establish and maintain authoritarian regimes. Third, we examine contents of constitutional amendments in the process of democratization since 1998. Fourth, we analyze new political dynamics caused by constitutional changes, looking at the impeachment process of President Abdurrahman Wahid. Finally, we consider tasks faced by Indonesia that seeks to establish a stable democracy.

Increasing popular participation in the treaty-making process : the legislative process of Section 190 of the 2007 Constitution of Thailand

Historically, the authority to conclude international treaties was exclusively exercised by administrative bodies (or the chief of state). However, recent studies pointed out that the present legislative bodies have come to play a more active role through ratification or the review of treaties in European and American countries. Harrington (2005) studied judicial reform in British dominions and criticized the past executive-dominant treaty-making process as a “democratic deficit” due to a fear that under this system the nation might be bound by international agreements for which a consensus had not been obtained. These studies indicated that people’s participation in the treaty-making process has increased on a global basis, but neither of them provides sufficient descriptive evidence regarding why and how such procedures were established. The present paper therefore attempts to solve these questions by analyzing the legislative and political process of the treaty-making procedure reform in Thailand’s 2007 constitution as a case study.

Memoria, aprendizaje y experimento : la invención del paisaje en Miguel Fisac

La presente investigación propone que la construcción del paisaje -la invención del mismo- es el elemento esencial para la comprensión global de la obra de Miguel Fisac. Se rebela así ante el desprecio "por el paisaje social, humano y físico" que le atribuye a los representantes del Movimiento Moderno. A través de tres ejes, Memoria, Aprendizaje y Experimento, se hilvana un viaje autobiográfico, con salida y regreso a La Mancha. Memoria, que recorre sus vivencias infantiles en intenso contacto con la naturaleza; así como su embelesamiento por la esencia de la arquitectura popular, esa "que hacen el pueblo y el tiempo". Aprendizaje, como un proceso de búsqueda con capacidad para mover los ejes referenciales en relación a su concepción de la arquitectura y a como ésta ha de dialogar con el paisaje: viajes alrededor del mundo, encuentros intelectuales con maestros indiscutibles de la modernidad, y el descubrimiento de otras culturas, materializado a través de la casa tradicional japonesa y de La Alhambra. Y Experimento, donde se concretan los conceptos anteriores a través de una suerte de gramática que el arquitecto utiliza para activar el paisaje, modificarlo, o reinterpretarlo. Todo ello se contrasta en ejemplos paradigmáticos de su arquitectura: el Instituto Laboral de Daimiel (1950-1953), el Centro de Formación del Profesorado de la Ciudad Universitaria de Madrid (1952-1957); y en el tránsito producido entre los conjuntos dominicos del Colegio Apostólico de Arcas Reales de Valladolid y el Teologado de Alcobendas (1951-1955). Arquitecturas en las que los citados aprendizajes tamizados en la memoria propicia que el paisaje resuene en ellas, transformando en cuerpo nuevo el alma del pasado. Ejemplos que sustancian un mapa mediante el cual se posibilita, desde el paisaje como herramienta de análisis, una relectura transversal de la obra del maestro daimieleño y que presiente su trayectoria como un proyecto único. ABSTRACT The current research proposes that the landscape construction -its invention- is the essential element for the overall understanding of Miguel Fisac's work. So, he rebels against the thought -attributed to the Modern Movement representatives-, who despise the "social, human, and physical" landscape He uses three aspects to develop his own life journey, which leaves and returns to La Mancha: Memory, Learning and Experimentation. The Memory is a journey inside his childhood, when he was very much in contact with nature; and later, his captivation by the essence of the popular architecture, that one which is "made by people, and by time". The Learning is the process which it has the capacity to move his referential axis relating his own conception of architecture and how it must dialogue with the landscape: journeys around the world, intellectual meetings with the best masters in Modernity and the discovery of other cultures, becoming real in the traditional Japanese house and La Alhambra. And the Experimentation, where these mentioned concepts are concreted through a kind of grammar, with which the architect is able to activate the landscape, modify, or reinterpret it. All of this is reaffirmed in some paradigmatic examples of his best architecture: the Occupational Institute of Daimiel (1950-1953), the Teacher Training Center of the Madrid's University City (1952-1957); and the way between the "Arcas Reales" Apostolic College in Valladolid and the Dominican Theologate in Alcobendas (1951-1955). Architectures that show how the Learning, screened through Memory, promotes that the landscape resonate in them, becoming new body the soul of the past. These examples substantiate a map which allows, from the landscape as a tool of analysis, a cross-reading of the work of this master-architect from Daimiel , and we can sense his career as a unique project.

2.5 Missouri State Supreme Court Building, Jefferson City, Missouri

On December 12, 1936, Charles Hamilton Houston was in Jefferson City, Missouri arguing Gaines’ appeal in front of the Missouri Supreme Court. Houston added some teeth to his argument by adding that neither “the slender hope” that Gaines may someday attend a new law program at Lincoln nor the provision of tuition scholarships to attend an out-of-state law school met the US Constitution’s requirement of equal treatment regardless of race.