968 resultados para minor civil dispute proceeding in magistrates court


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Another dilemma also had to be dealt with; Lloyd Gaines was determined to attend law school, not just anywhere but at the University of Missouri. Shortly after the Supreme Court decision, Lloyd Gaines left his civil service job in Michigan and returned home to St. Louis, arriving on New Year’s Eve, 1938. In the meantime, to pay his bills, he took a job as a filling station attendant. On January 9, 1939, Gaines spoke to the St. Louis chapter of the NAACP. He told them he stood “ready, willing, and able to enroll at MU.” Gaines later quit his gas station job. He explained to his family that the station owner substituted inferior gas and that he could not, in good conscience, continue to work there. In the meantime, the state Supreme Court sent the Gaines case back to Boone County to determine whether the new law school at Lincoln would comply with the US Supreme Court’s requirement of “substantial equality.”

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A second cytoplasmic dynein heavy chain (cDhc) has recently been identified in several organisms, and its expression pattern is consistent with a possible role in axoneme assembly. We have used a genetic approach to ask whether cDhc1b is involved in flagellar assembly in Chlamydomonas. Using a modified PCR protocol, we recovered two cDhc sequences distinct from the axonemal Dhc sequences identified previously. cDhc1a is closely related to the major cytoplasmic Dhc, whereas cDhc1b is closely related to the minor cDhc isoform identified in sea urchins, Caenorhabditis elegans, and Tetrahymena. The Chlamydomonas cDhc1b transcript is a low-abundance mRNA whose expression is enhanced by deflagellation. To determine its role in flagellar assembly, we screened a collection of stumpy flagellar (stf) mutants generated by insertional mutagenesis and identified two strains in which portions of the cDhc1b gene have been deleted. The two mutants assemble short flagellar stumps (<1–2 μm) filled with aberrant microtubules, raft-like particles, and other amorphous material. The results indicate that cDhc1b is involved in the transport of components required for flagellar assembly in Chlamydomonas.

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Two-dimensional homonuclear NMR was used to characterize synthetic DNA minor groove-binding ligands in complexes with oligonucleotides containing three different A-T binding sites. The three ligands studied have a C2 axis of symmetry and have the same general structural motif of a central para-substituted benzene ring flanked by two meta-substituted rings, giving the molecules a crescent shape. As with other ligands of this shape, specificity seems to arise from a tight fit in the narrow minor groove of the preferred A-T-rich sequences. We found that these ligands slide between binding subsites, behavior attributed to the fact that all of the amide protons in the ligand backbone cannot hydrogen bond to the minor groove simultaneously.

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Cyclin D1 is expressed at abnormally high levels in many cancers and has been specifically implicated in the development of breast cancer. In this report we have extensively analyzed the cyclin D1 promoter in a variety of cancer cell lines that overexpress the protein and identified two critical regulatory elements (CREs), a previously identified CRE at –52 and a novel site at –30. In vivo footprinting experiments demonstrated factors binding at both sites. We have used a novel DNA-binding ligand, GL020924, to target the site at –30 (–30–21) of the cyclin D1 promoter in MCF7 breast cancer cells. A binding site for this novel molecule was constructed by mutating 2 bp of the wild-type cyclin D1 promoter at the –30–21 site. Treatment with GL020924 specifically inhibited expression of the targeted cyclin D1 promoter construct in MCF7 cells in a concentration-dependent manner, thus validating the –30–21 site as a target for minor groove-binding ligands. In addition, this result validates our approach to regulating the expression of genes implicated in disease by targeting small DNA-binding ligands to key regulatory elements in the promoters of those genes.

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O presente estudo tem por objetivo identificar de que forma o direito de liberdade de associação vem sendo aplicado com relação às organizações da sociedade civil no Brasil. A partir da análise das diferentes dimensões da liberdade de associação e das normas que tratam das organizações da sociedade civil no Brasil pós Constituição Federal de 1988, apresentamos os principais desafios a serem superados para que as organizações da sociedade civil sejam tratadas de forma a melhor garantir o direito de liberdade de associação e um marco regulatório mais adequado ao seu desenvolvimento.

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El presente trabajo expone las diferencias más significativas en el tratamiento que los medios de comunicación otorgan a las noticias de la Guardia Civil de Alicante en dos períodos diferentes y con modelos conductuales de relaciones públicas muy distintos. En el primero de ellos, la oficina de comunicación de la Institución se dedicaba exclusivamente a remitir notas de prensa a los medios; en el segundo, la conducta comunicativa de la Benemérita se basa en modelos bidireccionales de las relaciones públicas. Los resultados presentados ponen de manifiesto la eficacia limitada del modelo unidireccional utilizado por la OPC con los MMCC, sin embargo, esa misma eficacia comunicativa se manifiesta en su máximo exponente al combinar ambos. La incorporación simultánea de los modelos agente de prensa y simétrico bidireccional (Grunig y Hunt, 2003,73) contribuyen al buen tratamiento otorgado por los medios a la Guardia Civil de Alicante.

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In order to evaluate taxonomic and environmental control on the preservation pattern of brachiopod accumulations, sedimentologic and taphonomic data have been integrated with those inferred from the structure of brachiopod accumulations from the easternmost Lower Jurassic Subbetic deposits in Spain. Two brachiopod communities (Praesphaeroidothyris and Securina communities) were distinguished showing a mainly free-lying way of life in soft-bottom habitats. Three taphofacies are discriminated based on proportion of disarticulation, fragmentation, packing, and shell filling. Taphofacies 1 is represented by thinly fragmented, dispersed brachiopod shells in wackestone beds. Taphofacies 2 is spatially restricted to small lenses where shells are poorly fragmented, rarely disarticulated, usually void filled, and highly packed. Taphofacies 3 is represented by mud or cement filled, loosely packed, articulated brachiopods forming large pocket-like structures. Temporal and spatial averaging were minimally involved in taphofacies 2 and 3. It is interpreted that patchy preservation implies preservation of primary original patchiness of brachiopod communities on the seafloor. The origin of shell-rich taphofacies (2 and 3) is related to rapid burial due to episodic storm activity, while shell-poor taphofacies 1 records background conditions. The nature and comparative diversity of these taphofacies underscores the importance of rapid burial for shell beds preservation. Differences in preservation between taphofacies 2 and 3 are mainly related to environmental criteria, most importantly storm energy and water depth. In contrast, the taxonomic-specific pattern of the communities is a subordinate element of control, controlling only minor within-taphofacies differences in preservation.

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From the Introduction. In 2010 the martyring of Mohamed Bouazizi began a ripple of civil uprisings across the Middle East, and would lead to a wave of revolutions that the media would dub the Arab Spring. From North Africa to the Gulf Region, these civil uprisings made major headlines but found little intervention on behalf of world superpowers such as the United States or the European Union. Acting as more of an observer than as an active participant in these revolutions, it would seem that the European Union played a small role in preventing civil unrest, or in aiding in the policing of these oppressive governments. By example of the passive position held by Europe during these revolutions, the EU appears to be ill equipped to handle security issues such as the massive revolutionary chain witnessed across the Mediterranean. Now, however, they have a new opportunity to be involved in a post- Arab Spring Mediterranean. This paper seeks to address some reasons behind the Arab Spring, describe the institutional framework previously and currently in place, as well as to analyze the progress of Europe’s relationship with the Mediterranean by analyzing the EU’s past and current role in the Mediterranean. It will also look at critiques of the EU’s role in the Arab Spring, as well as the opportunities to be taken in the Mediterranean region.

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Introduction. Meeting competition occurs when an undertaking lowers its prices in response to the entry of a competitor. Despite accepting that meeting competition can be compatible with Article 82, the Commission2 and the Court of justice3 have repeatedly condemned the practice due to the modalities of implementation or “particular circumstances”.4 However, existing precedent on the subject remains obscurely reasoned and contradictory, such that it is at the present time impossible to give clear advice to undertakings on the circumstances in which meeting competition is compatible with Article 82. Not only is such legal uncertainty in itself damaging but, in so far as it discourages meeting competition, it appears to us to be harmful to competition. As concerns the latter point, it will be seen that some of the most powerful arguments against prohibiting meeting competition are based on the counterproductive nature of the remedies. The present article does not, however, aim to propose a simple solution to distinguish abusive and non-abusive meeting competition.5 Nor does the article aim to give a comprehensive overview of the existing case law in this area.6 Instead, it takes a more economic approach and aims to lay out in a (brief but) systematic fashion the competitive concerns that might potentially be raised by the practice of meeting competition and in doing so to try to identify the main flaws in the Court and Commission’s approach.

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The quality and the sustainability of the democratic institutions established in post-independence Kosovo under the guidance of the international community depend to a large extent on the performance of its constitutional court. The considerable international investment in that court reflects this assessment. One of the reasons why Kosovo’s international supervision has recently been terminated is that such court has been deemed to be functioning well. But its performance has not yet adequately been scrutinized. This essay reviews its most significant judgments, including decisions that deposed a president, annulled a presidential election, prevented a general election, and abolished the inviolability of parliament. The analysis of the reasons and effects of such rulings leads to the conclusion that the court gravely lacks independence and is subject to heavy political interference, which also the international judges do not seem immune from. The performance of the court is both a manifestation and a cause of Kosovo’s acute governance problems, which its international supervision has failed to remedy. The international community’s approach towards the court is also an illustration of the reasons why statebuilding in Kosovo led to unsatisfactory results, despite unprecedented investment.

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This study analyzes the Turkish case as a model country for the state-building processes in the Arab world in the aftermath of the Arab revolts that took place in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya. To this end, it deals with the Turkish case in three phases: the founding of the Turkish Republic, political developments until 2002, and the post-2002 Justice and Development Party period. The study focuses on state-society relations manifested in the form of a secular-religious cleavage intertwined with problematic civil-military relations. Each phase of Turkey’s history is compared to cleavages and civil-military relations in Egypt, Tunisia and Libya. After analyzing the constitution-making processes in the latter three countries following the Arab revolts, the study concludes by discussing the viability of the Turkish model in the light of Turkey’s search for a new constitution.

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Title from caption.

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Includes bibliographical references.

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Chiefly tables.