Parties, governments and pollsters: A new form of patronage?

In its first term, the Howard government hired Australasian Research Strategies (ARS), headed by pollster Mark Textor, to conduct market research for several Commonwealth departments and agencies. This was, the Labor Opposition claimed, a case of the Liberals handing jobs to their 'mates'. Textor played a key role in the Liberals' 1996 and 1998 federal election campaigns. However, Labor's attack rings hollow since in the 1980s the Hawke government similarly contracted Rod Cameron's ANOP to conduct opinion research for Commonwealth departments and agencies. At the time Cameron was Labor's strategic pollster and centrally involved in planning Labor election campaigns. On both sides of Australian politics, governments have begun to channel patronage towards their party's pollsters. In this research note, we suggest that this development cannot be explained as 'jobs for the boys'. Instead, this new form of patronage has its roots in the vital role that pollsters now play in guiding election campaigns, and in the commercial reality that Australian politics provides too little work to sustain specialist political pollsters. Parties in government now appear to utilise incumbency to sustain an ongoing relationship with the commercial polling organisations like ANOP and ARS to whom they will entrust much of the planning of their campaign for re-election.

ANZUS - Alive and well after fifty years

Marking its fiftieth anniversary in late 2001, the ANZUS alliance remains Australia's primary security relationship and one of the United States' most important defence arrangements in the Asia-Pacific region. It is argued here that ANZUS has defied many common suppositions advanced by international relations theorists on how alliances work. It thus represents an important refutation of arguments that they are short-term instruments of mere policy expediency and are largely interest-dependent. Cultural and normative factors are powerful, if often underrated, determinants for ANZUS's perpetuation. ANZUS may thus constitute an important test case for expanding our understanding of alliance politics beyond the usual preconditions and prerogatives normally associated with such a relationship.

Parenthood and pay in Australia and the UK: evidence from workplace surveys

This article addresses the effect of parenthood on pay, examining potential reasons for-differences between Australia and the UK that are evident in spite of their similarly minimalist. male, breadwinner style approaches to work/family issues, Although cross-national differences reflect complex intersections of policy combinations, institutional frameworks, patterns of employment and gender contracts that cannot be assessed in a single analysis, the data used in this analysis uncover some of the factors that contribute to different outcomes. Motherhood penalties in the UK appear to be associated primarily with the comparatively low level of part-time earnings in that country, while higher premiums to fatherhood at least in part reflect a wider overall wage distribution. These findings reinforce the heed to interpret earnings effects of parenthood within the context of national patterns of employment and wage distribution; and highlight the breadth of strategies needed to deliver more equitable outcomes.

The Limits of Rational Choice: New Institutionalism in the Test Bed of Central Banking Politics in Australia

This paper tests the explanatory capacities of different versions of new institutionalism by examining the Australian case of a general transition in central banking practice and monetary politics: namely, the increased emphasis on low inflation and central bank independence. Standard versions of rational choice institutionalism largely dominate the literature on the politics of central banking, but this approach (here termed RC1) fails to account for Australian empirics. RC1 has a tendency to establish actor preferences exogenously to the analysis; actors' motives are also assumed a priori; actor's preferences are depicted in relatively static, ahistorical terms. And there is the tendency, even a methodological requirement, to assume relatively simple motives and preference sets among actors, in part because of the game theoretic nature of RC1 reasoning. It is possible to build a more accurate rational choice model by re-specifying and essentially updating the context, incentives and choice sets that have driven rational choice in this case. Enter RC2. However, this move subtly introduces methodological shifts and new theoretical challenges. By contrast, historical institutionalism uses an inductive methodology. Compared with deduction, it is arguably better able to deal with complexity and nuance. It also utilises a dynamic, historical approach, and specifies (dynamically) endogenous preference formation by interpretive actors. Historical institutionalism is also able to more easily incorporate a wider set of key explanatory variables and incorporate wider social aggregates. Hence, it is argued that historical institutionalism is the preferred explanatory theory and methodology in this case.

'Localizing the national' - The rediscovery and reshaping of local campaigning in Australia

Pippa Norris provides a schematic account of the evolution of campaigning through premodern, modern and postmodern stages. In particular she points to an emerging postmodern phase of electioneering characterized by a renewed emphasis upon direct forms of engagement which resonate with an earlier period in which campaigns were locally fought and largely dependent upon the canvassing efforts of party workers and volunteers. Norris's analysis offers a useful prism with which to view recent developments in electioneering in Australia. In the past several elections the rival Labor and Liberal parties have attempted to achieve a synergy between their centrally conducted and constituency-level campaigns by ensuring that their national campaigns are locally relevant and address local concerns. Their efforts to 'localize the national' meld the use of sophisticated software with elements of a traditional 'meet and greet' politics and suggest that local campaigning may now have a new shape and importance.

Elites estatais e reforma do estado na nova rep??blica: o projeto Enap e a forma????o da carreira de gestor governamental no Brasil

Os objetos desta pesquisa s??o: 1) a atua????o das elites burocr??ticas do Poder Executivo Federal no processo de transi????o pol??tica no Brasil, nos anos 1980; 2) as frentes de reforma na Nova Rep??blica, nas ??reas social, econ??mica e administrativa e 3) as tentativas de renova????o da gest??o p??blica representadas pela cria????o da Escola Nacional de Administra????o P??blica (ENAP) e da Carreira de Gestor Governamental (EPPGG). Esse era um contexto de reinstitucionaliza????o da fun????o diretiva do Estado e de deslocamento das fronteiras entre o burocr??tico e o pol??tico no setor p??blico brasileiro. A hip??tese central aqui defendida ?? de que a ENAP e a Carreira de Gestor Governamental eram duas op????es inovadoras frente ao dilema sobre quais seriam os pap??is cab??veis a pol??ticos e administradores na nova ordem democr??tica, mas tamb??m eram op????es sem enraizamento nos pactos e agendas de prioridades que viabilizaram a mudan??a de regime no pa??s. A Escola e a Carreira estavam em disson??ncia com as principais tend??ncias de recomposi????o das elites estatais na transi????o a partir do regime militar e sofreram bloqueios em raz??o disso, mas a pesquisa procurou desconstruir algumas narrativas sobre esses conflitos interburocr??ticos, que associam as resist??ncias impostas ?? ENAP e ?? Carreira pelos grupos de funcion??rios da Fazenda e Planejamento a interesses meramente corporativistas. Com um trajeto pelos estudos sobre as burocracias dos regimes militares e sobre as transi????es no Brasil e na Am??rica Latina, buscou-se aqui uma melhor identifica????o dos grupos integrantes das ???tecnoburocracias??? e de suas contribui????es para a moderniza????o administrativa e econ??mica do pa??s, na segunda metade do s??culo XX. Buscou-se revelar algumas conflu??ncias entre as ideias de tecnocratiza????o e profissionaliza????o das altas fun????es p??blicas e seus elos com as aspira????es pela reconstru????o do Estado sob bases mais democr??ticas, mostrando que, nos anos 1980, as propostas da SEDAP n??o eram os ??nicos projetos de moderniza????o em curso, tampouco os grupos que a elas se opuseram representavam interesses univocamente antidemocr??ticos.

YouTubers as satirists: humour and remix in online video

This article aims to discuss the role humour plays in politics, particularly in a media environment overflowing with user-generated video. We start with a genealogy of political satire, from classical to Internet times, followed by a general description of “the Downfall meme,” a series of videos on YouTube featuring footage from the film Der Untergang and nonsensical subtitles. Amid video-games, celebrities, and the Internet itself, politicians and politics are the target of such twenty-first century caricatures. By analysing these videos we hope to elucidate how the manipulation of images is embedded in everyday practices and may be of political consequence, namely by deflating politicians' constructed media image. The realm of image, at the centre of the Internet's technological culture, is connected with decisive aspects of today's social structure of knowledge and play. It is timely to understand which part of “playing” is in fact an expressive practice with political significance.