852 resultados para gender democracy


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The investigation of gender differences in emotion has attracted much attention given the potential ramifications on our understanding of sexual differences in disorders involving emotion dysregulation. Yet, research on content-specific gender differences across adulthood in emotional responding is lacking. The aims of the present study were twofold. First, we sought to investigate to what extent gender differences in the self-reported emotional experience are content specific. Second, we sought to determine whether gender differences are stable across the adult lifespan. We assessed valence and arousal ratings of 14 picture series, each of a different content, in 94 men and 118 women aged 20 to 81. Compared to women, men reacted more positively to erotic images, whereas women rated low-arousing pleasant family scenes and landscapes as particularly positive. Women displayed a disposition to respond with greater defensive activation (i.e., more negative valence and higher arousal), in particular to the most arousing unpleasant contents. Importantly, significant interactions between gender and age were not found for any single content. This study makes a novel contribution by showing that gender differences in the affective experiences in response to different contents persist across the adult lifespan. These findings support the "stability hypothesis" of gender differences across age.

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Participation research has documented the effect of partner and parenthood status, thereby ignoring the dynamic aspect of status changes. Based on theoretical insights on changes in political resources and interest, this study looks at partnership and parenthood as dynamic characteristics. Using data from the Swiss Household Panel (SHP), it examines to what extent important life-cycle transitions in partnership and parental status influence various forms of political and civic participation and whether they affect men and women's participation differently. Our regression analyses reveal that particularly the entry into separation or divorce is a main key point driving change in political and civic participation. Its effect is also highly gendered. Following separation, women participate less in voting, whereas men's participation rates are not affected in a negative way. Separation even increases men's level of anticipated activism. Children entering or leaving the household do not seem to represent key points of change in political and civic participation of the couple. Yet, the transition to having school-aged children significantly increases some types of participation, at least for women.

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A parliament with n members, distributed among two parties, decides whether to accept or reject a certain proposal. Each member of the parliament votes in favour or against. If there are at least t members in favour, the proposal is accepted; otherwise it is rejected. A non-member of the parliament, the briber, is interested in having the proposal accepted. To this end, he is willing to bribe members to induce them to vote in favour. It is compared a parliament with party discipline, where members vote according to the party line, and a parliament without party discipline, where members vote according to their own opinion. The paper determines, for given values of n and t , the average number of members that the briber has to bribe in each case (with the average taken with respect to all the possible allocations of members between parties and their votes, and also with respect to those allocations inducing the briber to bribe). The results show that a parliament with parties with party discipline is more costly for the briber to be bribed.

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This study analyses gender inequalities in health among elderly people in Catalonia (Spain) by adopting a conceptual framework that globally considers three dimensions of health determinants : socio-economic position, family characteristics and social support. Data came from the 2006 Catalonian Health Survey. For the purposes of this study a sub-sample of people aged 65–85 years with no paid job was selected (1,113 men and 1,484 women). The health outcomes analysed were self-perceived health status, poor mental health status and long-standing limiting illness. Multiple logistic regression models separated by sex were fitted and a hierarchical model was fitted in three steps. Health status among elderly women was poorer than among the men for the three outcomes analysed. Whereas living with disabled people was positively related to the three health outcomes and confidant social support was negatively associated with all of them in both sexes, there were gender differences in other social determinants of health. Our results emphasise the importance of using an integrated approach for the analysis of health inequalities among elderly people, simultaneously considering socio-economic position, family characteristics and social support, as well as different health indicators, in order fully to understand the social determinants of the health status of older men and women.

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PURPOSE: Gender differences in paediatric patients with inflammatory bowel disease (IBD) are frequently reported as a secondary outcome and the results are divergent. To assess gender differences by analysing data collected within the Swiss IBD cohort study database since 2008, related to children with IBD, using the Montreal classification for a systematic approach. METHODS: Data on gender, age, anthropometrics, disease location at diagnosis, disease behaviour, and therapy of 196 patients, 105 with Crohn's disease (CD) and 91 with ulcerative or indeterminate colitis (UC/IC) were retrieved and analysed. RESULTS: THE CRUDE GENDER RATIO (MALE : female) of patients with CD diagnosed at <10 years of age was 2.57, the adjusted ratio was 2.42, and in patients with UC/IC it was 0.68 and 0.64 respectively. The non-adjusted gender ratio of patients diagnosed at ≥10 years was 1.58 for CD and 0.88 for UC/IC. Boys with UC/IC diagnosed <10 years of age had a longer diagnostic delay, and in girls diagnosed with UC/IC >10 years a more important use of azathioprine was observed. No other gender difference was found after analysis of age, disease location and behaviour at diagnosis, duration of disease, familial occurrence of IBD, prevalence of extra-intestinal manifestations, complications, and requirement for surgery. CONCLUSION: CD in children <10 years affects predominantly boys with a sex ratio of 2.57; the impact of sex-hormones on the development of CD in pre-pubertal male patients should be investigated.

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The rapid adoption of online media like Facebook, Twitter or Wikileaks leaves us with little time to think. Where is information technology taking us, our society and our democratic institutions ? Is the Web replicating social divides that already exist offline or does collaborative technology pave the way for a more equal society ? How do we find the right balance between openness and privacy ? Can social media improve civic participation or do they breed superficial exchange and the promotion of false information ? These and lots of other questions arise when one starts to look at the Internet, society and politics. The first part of this paper gives an overview of the social changes that occur with the rise of the Web. The second part serves as an overview on how the Web is being used for political participation in Switzerland and abroad. Le développement rapide de nouveaux médias comme Facebook, Twitter ou Wikileaks ne laisse que peu de temps à la réflexion. Quels sont les changements que ces technologies de l'information impliquent pour nous, notre société et nos institutions démocratiques ? Internet ne fait-il que reproduire des divisions sociales qui lui préexistent ou constitue-t-il un moyen de lisser et d'égaliser ces mêmes divisions ? Comment trouver le bon équilibre entre transparence et respect de la vie privée ? Les médias sociaux permettent-ils de stimuler la participation politique ou ne sont-ils que le vecteur d'échanges superficiels et de fausses informations ? Ces questions, parmi d'autres, émergent rapidement lorsque l'on s'intéresse à la question des liens entre Internet, la société et la politique. La première partie de ce cahier est consacrée aux changements sociaux générés par l'émergence et le développement d'Internet. La seconde fait l'état des lieux de la manière dont Internet est utilisé pour stimuler la participation politique en Suisse et à l'étranger.

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Immigrant organisations in the City of Oslo receive support from the government for their daily operation. In order to receive such support, each organisation must be membership-based and have internal democratic procedures. This paper raises the question of how we can understand this combination of support for ethnic based organisations and requirements of membership and internal democracy. It explores the usefulness of two partly overlapping ways of understanding this policy and discusses their interrelationship. Firstly, within the context of the crisis of multiculturalism, the paper discusses whether this combination is based on the aim of strengthening the organisations’ procedural commitment to liberal-democratic principles. Secondly, the paper analyses whether requirements of membership and internal democracy can mainly be understood within the framework of the Nordic model of voluntary organisation. By comparing the policy at three empirical levels, the paper concludes that this combination can mainly be understood within the framework of the traditional historical Nordic model, but that there is an ambiguity in this policy related to minority rights.

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In 1993, Iowa Workforce Development (then the Department of Employment Services) conducted a survey to determine if there was a gender gap in wages paid. The results of that survey indicated that women were paid 68 cents per dollar paid to males. We felt a need to determine if this relationship of wages paid to each gender has changed since the 1993 study. In 1999, the Commission on the Status of Women requested that Iowa Workforce Development conduct research to update the 1993 information. A survey, cosponsored by the Commission on the Status of Women and Iowa Workforce Development, was conducted in 1999. The results of the survey showed that women earned 73 percent of what men earned when both jobs were considered. (The survey asked respondents to provide information on a primary job and a secondary job.) The ratio for the primary job was 72 percent, while the ratio for the secondary job was 85 percent. Additional survey results detail the types of jobs respondents had, the types of companies for which they worked and the education and experience levels. All of these characteristics can contribute to these ratios. While the large influx of women into the labor force may be over, it is still important to look at such information to determine if future action is needed. We present these results with that goal in mind. We are indebted to those Iowans, female and male, who voluntarily completed the survey. This study was completed under the general direction of Judy Erickson. The report was written by Shazada Khan, Teresa Wageman, Ann Wagner, and Yvonne Younes with administrative and technical assistance from Michael Blank, Margaret Lee and Gary Wilson. The Iowa State University Statistical Lab provided sampling advice, data entry and coding and data analysis.

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The academic debate about the secession of a territory which is part of a liberal democracy state displays an initial contrast. On the one hand, practical secessionist movements usually legitimize their position using nationalist arguments linked to the principle of national self- determination. On the other hand, we find in academia few defenders of a normative principle of national self-determination. Philosophers, political scientists and jurists usually defend the status quo. And even when they do not defend it, most of them tend to leave the question of that question and secession unresolved or confused. Regarding this issue, liberal-democratic theories show a tendency to be “conservative” in relation to the political borders, regardless the historical and empirical processes of creation of current States. Probably, this feature is not far away to the fact that, since its beginning, political liberalism has not been a theory of the nation, but a theory of the state.

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In this chapter, after pointing out the different logics that lie behind the familiar ideas of democracy and federalism, I have dealt with the case of plurinational federal democracies. Having put forward a double criterion of an empirical nature with which to differentiate between the existence of minority nations within plurinational democracies (section 2), I suggest three theoretical criteria for the political accommodation of these democracies. In the following section, I show the agonistic nature of the normative discussion of the political accommodation of this kind of democracies, which bring monist and pluralist versions of the demos of the polity into conflict (section 3.1), as well as a number of conclusions which are the result of a comparative study of 19 federal and regional democracies using four analytical axes: the uninational/plurinational axis; the unitarianism-federalism axis; the centralisation-decentralisation axis; and the symmetry-asymmetry axis (section 3.2). This analysis reveals shortcomings in the constitutional recognition of national pluralism in federal and regional cases with a large number of federated units/regions with political autonomy; a lower degree of constitutional federalism and a greater asymmetry in the federated entities or regions of plurinational democracies. It also reveals difficulties to establish clear formulas in these democracies in order to encourage a “federalism of trust” based on the participation and protection of national minorities in the shared government of plurinational federations/regional states. Actually, there is a federal deficit in this kind polities according to normative liberal-democratic patterns and to what comparative analysis show. Finally, this chapter advocates the need for a greater normative and institutional refinement in plurinational federal democracies. In order to achieve this, it is necessary to introduce a deeper form of “ethical” pluralism -which displays normative agonistic trends, as well as a more “confederal/asymmetrical” perspective, congruent with the national pluralism of these kind of polities.

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A selection gradient was recently suggested as one possible cause for a clinal distribution of mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) haplotypes along an altitudinal transect in the greater white-toothed shrew, Crocidura russula (Ehinger et al. 2002). One mtDNA haplotype (H1) rare in lowland, became widespread when approaching the altitudinal margin of the distribution. As H1 differs from the main lowland haplotype by several nonsynonymous mutations (including on ATP6), and as mitochondria play a crucial role in metabolism and thermogenesis, distribution patterns might stem from differences in the thermogenic capacity of different mtDNA haplotypes. In order to test this hypothesis, we measured the nonshivering thermogenesis (NST) associated with different mtDNA haplotypes. Sixty-two shrews, half of which had the H1 haplotype, were acclimated in November at semioutdoor conditions and measured for NST throughout winter. Our results showed the crucial role of NST for winter survival in C. russula. The individuals that survived winter displayed a higher significant increase in NST during acclimation, associated with a significant gain in body mass, presumably from brown fat accumulation. The NST capacity (ratio of NST to basal metabolic rate) was exceptionally high for such a small species. NST was significantly affected by a gender x haplotype interaction after winter-acclimation: females bearing the H1 haplotype displayed a better thermogenesis at the onset of the breeding season, while the reverse was true for males. Altogether, our results suggest a sexually antagonistic cyto-nuclear selection on thermogenesis.