921 resultados para excluded socio-political movements
Resumo:
Este trabajo intentará abordar la trayectoria política de Eduardo Duhalde entre 1999 y 2001. Para ello se hará una reconstrucción histórica en base a archivos periodísticos y de diversos documentos institucionales dentro de una clave de lectura sociopolítica que destaque el rol de Duhalde dentro de una lógica de acción colectiva. Así, se podrá dar cuenta que Duhalde logró estructurar detrás de su liderazgo un amplio abanico de fuerzas que pudieron ofrecer una opción política y económica frente a la crisis final de la convertibilidad y del gobierno de la Alianza.
Resumo:
Este trabajo intentará abordar la trayectoria política de Eduardo Duhalde entre 1999 y 2001. Para ello se hará una reconstrucción histórica en base a archivos periodísticos y de diversos documentos institucionales dentro de una clave de lectura sociopolítica que destaque el rol de Duhalde dentro de una lógica de acción colectiva. Así, se podrá dar cuenta que Duhalde logró estructurar detrás de su liderazgo un amplio abanico de fuerzas que pudieron ofrecer una opción política y económica frente a la crisis final de la convertibilidad y del gobierno de la Alianza.
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Historical archaeology, in its narrow temporal sense -as an archaeology of the emergence and subsequent evolution of the Modern world- is steadily taking pace in Spanish academia. This paper aims at provoking a more robust debate through understanding how Spanish historical archaeology is placed in the international scene and some of its more relevant particularities. In so doing, the paper also stresses the strong links that have united historical and prehistorical archaeology since its inception, both in relation to the ontological, epistemological and methodological definition of the first as to the influence of socio-political issues in the latter. Such reflection is partly a situated reflection from prehistory as one of the paper’s authors has been a prehistorian for most of her professional life.
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With this article we pretend to contribute, in a really modest way, to the liberation of a tenacious image of our society: which operates as an ideological basis of a group of current socio-political pseudocritics, with great success and diffusion. For this we will undertake the exposition and the analysis of the development group of Naissance de la biopolitique in which Foucault accomplishes the critic of all that number of inflationary speeches that represent our society like a “mass society” and a “estatalized space”. Facing these vague and disproportionate forms of consideration, the foucaltian critic, in its exquisite attention to what happens nowadays, it should reveal how our societies function as systems that optimize the difference –radically nominalists-, in which it is produced, beyond any phantasmatic of the oppressor and invasive estate, a regretion of the legal-estate structures that articulate the socio-politic groups, in benefit of the reconstitution and the social tissue as a communitarian network, suitable for the dynamics of market competence that characterise our enterprise societies. That will open to a new idea of the critic, and to a displacement of its object and objectives.
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Domestic violence is a serious, widespread public, social and health problem that affects the lives of many women, children and men. There is also evidence to suggest it has one of the highest rates of recidivism. This comprehensive book provides an overview of what the research tells us about the perpetrators of domestic violence and what works, and what doesn’t, in promoting positive change.
Collecting together the most up-to-date evidence from the international literature and bringing psychological, sociological, gendered and socio-political theoretical perspectives to bear on the issue, the book explores:
- what domestic violence is, why it happens and how it can be measured
- who the perpetrators of domestic violence are, including discussion of non-stereotypical patterns such as male victims, female perpetrators, couples where the abuse is mutual, and couples with abusive relationships who want the abuse to end but the relationship to be sustained
- strategies for engaging perpetrators in interventions and for promoting behaviour change
- evidence-informed interventions, programmes and policies for working with perpetrators
- where robust evidence is lacking and more research needs to be undertaken.
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This chapter examines how the choreography of affect in two dance theatre works creates a space of affective adjacency—a space in which the building of an alternative structure of feeling and an alternative economy of the body can be experienced. Focusing on the choreographic use of repetition in Junk Ensemble’s Bird With Boy (2011) and Fabulous Beast Dance Theatre’s Rian (2011), it shows how the work required to build an alternative affective space can become visible. Although affect is most often viewed as a preconscious, ephemeral phenomenon (a passage of intensities), that can have little or no lasting impact on socio-political action, theorists such as Megan Watkins have argued for a consideration of the ‘cumulative aspects of affect’. Highlighting Spinoza’s distinction between affectus (the capacity for a body to affect and be affected), and affectio (the impact the affecting body leaves on the affected), Watkins points out that affectio can ‘leave a residue’ allowing for the ‘capacity of affect to be retained, to accumulate, to form dispositions and thus shape subjectivities’. The choreography of repetition in Bird With Boy and Rian presents sites for an examination of this accumulation of affect and its capacity not only to form and shape dispositions, but also, as Lauren Berlant suggests, ‘to move along and make worlds, situations, and environments’.
Resumo:
Este trabajo intentará abordar la trayectoria política de Eduardo Duhalde entre 1999 y 2001. Para ello se hará una reconstrucción histórica en base a archivos periodísticos y de diversos documentos institucionales dentro de una clave de lectura sociopolítica que destaque el rol de Duhalde dentro de una lógica de acción colectiva. Así, se podrá dar cuenta que Duhalde logró estructurar detrás de su liderazgo un amplio abanico de fuerzas que pudieron ofrecer una opción política y económica frente a la crisis final de la convertibilidad y del gobierno de la Alianza.
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This thesis explores changing discourses of childhood and the ways in which power relations intersect with socio-cultural norms to shape screen-based media for Palestinian children. Situated within the interdisciplinary study of childhood, the research is an institutional and textual analysis that includes discursive and micro-level analysis of the socio-political circumstances within which children consume media in present-day Palestine. The thesis takes a social constructionist view, arguing that ‘childhood’ is not a fixed universal concept and that discourses of childhood are produced at specific historical moments as an effect of power. The study has a three-part research agenda. The first section uses secondary literature to explore theories and philosophies relating to definitions of childhood in Arab societies. The second employs participant observation and semi-structured interviews to understand the history and politics of children’s media in the West Bank. The final part of the research activity focuses on the impact that definitions of childhood and the politics of children’s media have on broadcasting outcomes through an analysis of (a) discourses on children’s media that circulate in Palestinian society, and (b) local and pan-Arab cultural texts consumed by Palestinian children. The analysis demonstrates that complex ideological and political factors are at play, which has led to the marginalisation, politicisation and internationalisation of local production for children. Due to the lack of alternatives, local producers often rely on international funding, and are hence forced to negotiate competing definitions of childhood, which while fitting with an international agenda of normalising the Israeli occupation, conflict culturally and politically with local conceptions of childhood and hopes for the Palestinian nation. While the Palestinian community appreciates the positive potential of local production, discourses and strategies around children’s media show that Palestinian children are constructed as vulnerable, incomplete and in constant need of guidance. Pan-Arab content presents a slightly less didactic approach and in certain cases presents childhood as a dynamic space of empowerment. However, by constructing children as ‘consumercitizens’, it alienates Arab (and Palestinian) children from disadvantaged backgrounds,as the preferred audience is middle-class children living in oil-rich countries of the Gulf.
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Class has always been at the heart of the television crime drama. Whether it is the post-war paternalism of Dixon of Dock Green (1955 – 1976), the harsh social realism of The Sweeney (1975-1978), or the almost mythical evocations of Britain in Heartbeat (1992 – 2010) and Midsomer Murders (1997- present), class and crime have always been seen as being inextricably linked. Since the 1990s, the British crime drama has been influenced by successive waves of cultural imports from, firstly, the US and then from Scandinavia. There is now a recognisable ‘genre’ for what we might think of as British TV Noir. Beginning with shows such as Cracker (1993 – 2006), Prime Suspect (1991 – 2006) and Messiah (2001) and continuing with dramas like Red Riding (2008), Southcliffe (2013) and Hinterland (2013 – present), the British TV Noir employs narratives and stylistic tropes that might usually be associated with the cinema of the 1940s. Although drawing influence from high profile shows such as Twin Peaks (1990 – 1991), Millennium (1996) and (latterly) The Wire (2002 – 2008), CSI (2000 – present) and The Killing (2007) these British Noir shows also articulate the nation’s shifting class system. As Susan Sydney-Smith has ably demonstrated, the crime drama is “historically contingent” (Sydney-Smith, 2002, p. 5) and shaped by the surrounding socio-political, as well aesthetic, context. To this end, this chapter traces the depiction of class in three key crime series – Prime Suspect, Red Riding and Southcliffe - and explores how social class, and more importantly, its changing face provides a constant background to the narratives and characterisations. These three texts were each produced at pivotal moments in Britain’s relationship to class – Prime Suspect was shown 6 months after Margaret Thatcher vacated office; Red Riding was produced in the midst of the global recession in 2008 and Southcliffe was made in the shadows of stringing welfare and immigration reforms. These texts span three successive political administrations and over two decades of social and political change. Understanding the relationship between criminal activity and class in these dramas however is far more complicated than simply reading the historical context through the text. Commensurate with its cinematic incarnation, TV Noir is both reflective and productive, employing visual and narrative tropes to manipulate, as well reflect, its audience’s moral and social positioning. The picture that emerges from an examination of class and the British TV Noir is one of suspicion and discontent. As Andrew Spicer suggests (with reference to British cinema) the Noir sensibility both depicts and critiques a society that it sees as being “class-ridden, racist and misogynist” (Spicer, 2002, p.202). This is certainly the case with the texts that are being examined here, as social positions and taxonomies are constantly being redefined and renegotiated.
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O presente trabalho baseia-se na pesquisa documental e na análise crítico-reflexiva sobre o serviço social no Poder Local, a sua evolução, influências e implicações no trabalho desenvolvido no (pelo) Gabinete de Ação Social do Município de Pampilhosa da Serra. O serviço social assume, durante o Estado Novo, um papel de controle, com uma prática associada essencialmente ao Estado e a algumas entidades da sociedade civil, nomeadamente à Igreja Católica. Com a Era Democrática, assiste-se ao crescimento da intervenção do Estado e à descentralização da sua atuação para as Autarquias, assumindo-se o SAAL (1974) como um marco histórico. A intervenção ganha, assim, um caráter “territorial” crescendo as responsabilidades das autarquias, quer no âmbito das transferências de competências por parte do Poder Central, quer ao nível da dinamização de serviços de âmbito municipal e da criação de respostas sociais específicas. O PRS (1997) e a RLIS (2013), apresentam-se como exemplos dessa territorialização, reforçando as atribuições das Autarquias ao nível da ação social. O primeiro, implementado a nível nacional, visa a articulação de recursos e uma intervenção integrada. Tem como princípios, a promoção a participação da população e dos agentes locais quer na elaboração de diagnósticos sociais, quer na criação de respostas adequadas às necessidades. A segunda, em fase de implementação, visa a criação de uma metodologia de trabalho ao nível do atendimento e acompanhamento social. Destaca-se o papel das Autarquias e da Sociedade Civil, na efetivação de uma intervenção social de proximidade. A crescente desresponsabilização do Estado na intervenção social, em particular do Poder Central, motivada pela Crise Económica, provoca alterações nas políticas sociais. Surgem as políticas de inserção direcionadas para públicos específicos, tendencialmente contratualizadas e centradas no sujeito. Estas alterações tiveram, também, implicações na atuação do Município de Pampilhosa da Serra, onde o serviço social se desenvolveu a par da implementação dos programas de âmbito comunitário, nomeadamente do PDIAS e PLCP (1996) e do projecto-piloto do RMG (1997). Sistematizou-se com a implementação das Redes Sociais e operacionaliza-se no Gabinete de Ação Social, atuando em três dimensões: mediação, promoção e execução. Da análise e reflexão em torno da atuação do GAS, no qual inscrevemos a nossa intervenção profissional, consideramos que esta se desenvolve numa relação sociopolítica e operacional, assumindo a Autarquia um papel ativo ao criar e/ou reforçar medidas de apoio socioeducativo e económico, de forma a garantir o bem-estar social e a qualidade de vida dos cidadãos Pampilhosenses. O município assume-se como o patamar de atuação de proximidade por excelência, onde o local se perspetiva como o espaço onde a intervenção social se operacionaliza, enquanto que o Poder Local, em conjunto com a sociedade Civil, assumem o poder de co construir a mudança social. / This work is based on documentary research and critical and reflective analysis of the social service in Local Government, its evolution, influences and implications on the work of the (at) Social Action Office of the municipality of Pampilhosa da Serra. The social service assumes, during the Estado Novo, a paper control, primarily associated with a practice the state and some civil society organizations, including the Catholic Church. With the Democratic Era, we are witnessing the growth of state intervention and the decentralization of its activities to the local authorities, assuming the SAAL (1974) as a historical landmark. Intervention win, so a character "territorial" growing responsibilities of local authorities, or within the transfer of responsibilities from the Central Power, both in terms of promotion of municipal services and the creation of specific social responses. The PRS (1997) and the RLIS (2013), are presented as examples of territorial, strengthening the powers of local authorities to the level of social action. The first, implemented nationally, aimed at articulating features and an integrated intervention. Its principles, promoting the participation of the population and local actors when developing social diagnosis, whether the creation of appropriate responses to the needs. The second, under implementation, aims to create a working methodology in terms of care and social support. It highlights the role of local authorities and civil society in the execution of a social intervention proximity. The growing irresponsibility of the state in social intervention, in particular the Central Power, motivated by the economic crisis, causes changes in social policies. Arise inclusion policies targeting specific audiences tend contracted and centered on the subject. These changes have also implications for the work of the municipality of Pampilhosa da Serra, where the social work developed together with the implementation of Community-wide programs, including the PDIAS and PLCP (1996) and the pilot project of RMG (1997). Systematized with the implementation of Social Networks and made operational in the Social Action Office, working in three dimensions: mediation, promotion and implementation. Analysis and reflection around the GAS operation, in which we inscribe our professional intervention, we believe that this is developed in a socio-political and operational relationship, assuming the Municipality an active role to create and / or strengthen measures of socio-educational and economic support, to ensure the welfare and quality of life of citizens Pampilhosenses. The municipality is assumed as the proximity actuation level par excellence where the location is perspective as the space where social intervention made operational, while the Local Government, together with civil society, assume the co power build social change.
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Given the monumental friction, tension and acrimony occasioned by minority question in Nigeria’s governmental process, the paper is aimed at encapsulating the dynamics of minority question as it affects/impact the governmental process of Nigeria. It argues that minority question in Nigeria, just like other parts of the developed world, including Australia for example, reinforces itself in the culture and pervasive nature of ethnicity, defined in terms of group interest, sectional polarization, self-esteem and identification. Findings revealed that, Ethnicity is therefore considered as the epicenter of minority agitations as each of these groups struggle not in the nation’s interest, but in the interest of identifiable groups and regional hegemony for recognition and control oil resources. The paper concludes that the minority question cannot be divorce from governmental processes, because it has become a part of socio-political fabric of the Nigerian state, hence, the need for a virile federal structure that recognizes and responds positively to the interest of the minor groups is essential. The paper is a survey of literatures from existing works of scholars, generated to enhance the understanding of the subject matter under review; as such the methodology is strictly based on content secondary data.
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The central research question was to search for data to ratify the theory and discourse of the so-called practitioners of economic solidarity, by defending the substantive rationality should guide the principles of economic solidary, designing the space economy incidental and not the primacy of relations in determining social as well, reflecting the predominance of dimensions of social management in administrative practices of ESS's. For both analyzed the theoretical dimensions of social management - sociopolitical, economic, organizational and environmental - manifested in organizational practices supportive of economic organization Potiguar West. For the success of the research realized the triangulation involving a combination of quantitative and qualitative methodological approaches. At first the research will use a quantitative approach, from the cluster analysis, to verify the behavior of the sample chosen for this study. In the second stage of the qualitative study was carried out focus group technique (FLICK, 2002) for further analysis of the dimensions of social management on organizational practices supportive of economic organization, related to the principles of Solidary Economy, established in a quantitative approach. In quantitative analysis, the socio-political dimension, it was clear that the more equity instruments of internal and external, from the purposeful living in public spaces, the best monetary results. Another point worth stressing concerns the economic dimension, with the practice reciprocity prevailing in market. Thus, the qualitative approach was possible to understand the processes of exchange of product or service. Rural enterprises surveyed in the allocation of the agro-ecological products have the following scale of priority, sequentially: self-consumption (domestic), market and exchange. The research leads to the fact that training and practices that enhance the socio-political dimension (knowledge, empowerment, sense of belonging) become the guiding principle for the strengthening of the social management in the context of other dimensions, leading to gains sociopolitical, economic, organizational and environmental. Despite the weaknesses found in the organizational dimension and environment, both in a quantitative as in qualitative, we determined that the practices of ESS's Potiguar West incorporate predominantly elements of social management and economic solidarity, with a preponderance of substantive rationality in the primacy of the instrumental. Finally, research has brought information that the participants of the ESS's do not give the money economy primacy in determining social relations, which in turn leads to the confirmation that, in practice the solidarity economy, prevailing the dominance of substantive rationality, as a guide for organizational practices
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Stealth Visor for the Duke of Wellington Project HATWALK The 2012 Cultural Olympiad would not have been representative of London's creative industries without fashion design. Sponsored by the Mayor of London brought milliners to organise an alternative to the catwalk format , the designers brought together a Hatwalk, uniting landmark heritage statues, classical and modern, to be crowned with a new bespoke design piece each. Together forming a pedestrian navigation through the Jubilee city, the hats also invited twenty one milliners to consider the specificity of working for the great outdoors. Rigorously tested in wind tunnel laboratory to withstand hurricane wind speeds and squally shows the designs aim to bring the 'exclusive' culture of fashion accessories to the inclusive culture of international festival. Working with new technologies of engineering, such as laser measuring tools, and crane for assemblage and fitting, McLean brings new meaning to the familiar figures of national public authority. Since the storming of the Bastille in revolutionary France it has been traditional for the new order to symbolize change through attacking public statuary. In a similar vein, Hatwalk, invites spectators to reconsider the relationship between distant and lofty personages of power and the sartorial insignia through which their power is signified. Crowned with a revolutionary red ' large plexi punk neon number' the Duke of Wellington, at Wellington arch is the first in the Hatwalk exhibition. The originality of this research consists in the effects of surprise and Brechtian 'de familiarisation' resulting from the unexpected. The effects of this structural carnivalesque inversion of authorities can involve a range of reactions from the disdain of the offended to the laughter and pleasure of the surprised. This strategy of bringing the ludic element of play to the formalised authority of legitimised power is also signified through the conscious use of materials and colour in a monochrome and uniform culture of statuary. Here the difference in materials and visible surface of the design signifies the differences that need to be included within a socio political order before it may takes its place in history as being representative of the people it is entrusted to lead. This research output continues the work that led to the Hat Anthology exhibition (output 1), the Fifty Hats that Changed the World (output 2), the Jamaican Olympic team headwear design ( output 4), and is continued in the design, merchandise, accessories and avant garde artefacts of the House of Flora ( see website). The iterative process of the research brings innovation within continuity to McLean's work. It is difficult to theorise the 'rigour' that is undeniably present in a creative design praxis except in that McLean;s research outputs are always surprising and unexpected.
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Introduction: Due to the implied health benefits for mother and baby, breastfeeding has become a key public health issue. Literature reviewed highlighted the ‘medical’ and ‘natural’ mother discourse which surrounds motherhood and impacts on women’s decisions to breastfeed. Whilst the emotional and physical strains of a difficult experience have been explored, it is unclear how these experiences impact on women’s identities as mothers and in what ways women are able to narrate and share their embodied experiences. Methods: Seven first time mothers who described themselves as having had a difficult breastfeeding experience were interviewed to gather data pertaining to how mothers construct narratives of breastfeeding and the impact of these narratives on their identity as mothers. An interest in both socio-political discourse and embodiment theory derived from the literature review led to the use of visual methods in eliciting narratives and the employment of a critical narrative analysis in exploring the data gathered. Findings: The participants’ narratives drew from ‘medical’ and ‘natural’ mother discourses and were found to constrain subjective experience and leave participants with feelings of guilt, frustration and loss. A prevailing assumption that unruly, excessive bodies must be controlled by a rational ‘mind’ led to the body becoming a site for control and resistance for participants as they attempted to conform to norms of motherhood and breastfeeding. Discussion: Results identified the ways in which women as mothers can see their subjective experiences diminished and their voices silenced due to a lack of available discourse and entrenched ideologies surrounding the ‘good’ mother. It is suggested that adopting a social justice agenda within therapeutic practice might prevent the internalisation of oppressive discourse which can lead to mothers’ psychological distress. Moreover, it is suggested that exploring the body in therapy might resist a mind/body dualism and lead to increasingly compassionate and accepting relationships with our bodies; in turn increasing awareness of subjective experience.
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Nationalism may involve the combination of culture and politics, but for many of its most prominent students, the former is subordinate to the latter. In this view, nationalist appeals to culture are a means to a political end; that is, the achievement of statehood. Hence, for Ernest Gellner (2006 [1983]: 124), culture is but an epiphenomenon, a ‘false-consciousness … hardly worth analyzing …’. For their part, Eric Hobsbawm and Terrence Ranger (1983) suggest that national traditions are ‘invented’ by elites concerned with the legitimization of state power. Similarly, John Breuilly (2006 [1982]: 11) defines national movements as ‘political movements … which seek to gain or exercise state power and justify their objectives in terms of nationalist doctrine’. A broadly similar characterization of nationalism can be found in the writings of many other esteemed scholars (Giddens, 1985; Laitin, 2007; Mann, 1995; Tilly, 1975). The privileging of politics over culture remains the dominant approach to understanding nationalism, but it is not without criticism. There is now a vast and rapidly growing body of literature insisting that the role of culture should be made more prominent. In opposition to the argument that nationalist appeals to culture are but an exercise in legitimation, this body of literature suggests that they can be ends unto themselves. This latter phenomenon, generally referred to as cultural nationalism, is the subject of this chapter. The chapter proceeds as follows. I begin with the definition and history of cultural nationalism before discussing several key themes in its study. To conclude, I briefly outline several lines of research that I believe hold particular potential for developing the field. In the light of the huge array of literature on cultural nationalism, the review is focused on seminal contributions.