388 resultados para UNIFICATION
Resumo:
Questions of identity have become increasingly central to the study of foreign policy and security, particularly in constructivist debates. But very few of the resulting insights have been applied to the Korean situation, where discussions about security and inter-Korean relations remain dominated by strategic and geopolitical issues. The main task of this article is to address this shortcoming by examining the experience of North Korean defectors in South Korea and the precedent of German unification. Both of these domains of inquiry reveal that identity differences between North and South persist far beyond the ideological and political structures that created them in the first place. Born out of death, fear, and longing for revenge, these identity patterns lie at the heart of Korea's security dilemmas. Unless taken seriously by scholars and decision makers, the respective tensions between identity and difference will continue to cause major political problems. (Key words: Inter-Korean relations, North Korean defectors, German unification)
Resumo:
Esta tese é o resultado de uma pesquisa sobre o uso e a influência do dinheiro no que tange às questões existenciais, no contexto capitalista, ligadas ao trinômio: saúde, amor e espiritualidade. Para isso, foram analisados vários tipos de vínculo, afetivos ou não, existentes nas relações humanas, no âmbito da família, do mercado e do Estado, convergindo para a busca do sagrado que dá sentido e significado existenciais. O eixo teórico se localiza em uma interface entre as Ciências Sociais e a Psicologia Analítica, de Carl Gustav Jung (1875-1961), que expressa em sua obra a necessidade humana de encontrar a realização do ser pela conquista consciente de um estado de integração evolutiva. Esta dimensão integral existe quando é realizada a unificação dos vários aspectos do eu com o inconsciente, expressos teleologicamente no processo de individuação. O resultado da evolução científica e tecnológica, acrescido pela supremacia do mercado, abrange praticamente todas as esferas da vida humana, imprimindo uma importância excessiva ao dinheiro. Por exemplo, até o campo religioso foi invadido pela lógica monetária, que se instalou impondo uma atitude monetarizada nas práticas e ritos religiosos, como ocorre em algumas igrejas neopentecostais. Por sua vez, a supervalorização do dinheiro contribui para um processo que combina dessacralização e exclusão social, bem como para o aumento significativo de doenças em todas as instâncias em que as trocas deixaram de acontecer livremente. Com a interdição das trocas, a vida se esvai, comprometendo a evolução humana nas instâncias físicas, psíquicas, sociais, espirituais, familiares, afetivas ou profissionais. Como os desejos de lucro e de acúmulo impedem as trocas, a conquista da dimensão integral vai ficando sombreada até ser substituída pela anestesia do consumo, no sentido de aliviar, apesar de não eliminar, os sentimentos de angústia pela falta de sentido existencial. Busca-se neste trabalho o entendimento da razão pela qual o ser humano contemporâneo deixou de trocar livremente e passou a acumular, muitas vezes por meio de consumo do supérfluo, ficando à mercê de um mercado que pretende ser hegemônico, colocando inclusive o dinheiro como caminho de cura e salvação. Fizemos um levantamento das possibilidades que podem restar para a concretização de uma readequação do uso do dinheiro a serviço da individuação e da realização existencial.(AU)
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O objetivo central desta pesquisa é avaliar os valores e possibilidades da aliança pregada no Deuteronômio. Para tanto, procuro captar a necessária tensão de qualquer tipo de aliança. Faço esse exercício, primeiramente, no próprio campo da hermenêutica. Sugiro uma leitura subalterna que agregue diferentes lutas no interior das interpretações libertárias (feminista, queer e pós-colonial). Nesse ínterim, forjo o trabalho do exegeta orgânico , a saber, aquele intérprete que articula vozes dissidentes para fazer frente às estruturas sistêmicas de subordinação. Após essa proposição teórica, avalio o Deuteronômio enquanto discursos concatenados em forma de arquivo. A principal sugestão é de que os textos deuteronômicos foram coletados ou produzidos em prol de um ideal de berit aliança . Esse ideal origina-se do material agora disposto em 4,44-26+28: um contrato comunitário atávico com Yhvh. Esse resultado é possibilitado pela crítica retórica ao texto e seus interesses propagandísticos desde o nascedouro arquivístico. Após uma comparação honesta com os tratados do Antigo Oriente Próximo, não se pode mais negar a pedagogia da obediência intrínseca ao contrato. A isso chamo, muitas vezes, de colusão do povo santo . A crítica retórica, entretanto, não encaminha apenas uma reificação desse ideal de berit, ao apontar, antes, para o debate interno da comunidade. Um contrato retórico, afinal, guarda em si, memórias silenciadas para que a propaganda se efetive. Nesse momento é que busco colisões de memórias, em especial, dentro das perícopes proibitivas do contrato. Todo o lixo deuteronômico, por assim dizer, está assinalado por duas fórmulas básicas: ki to abat yhvh eis uma abominação para Yhvh e ubi arta ha-ra mi-qirbeka exterminarás o per/vertido do teu meio . Dedico-me aos textos marcados por essas fórmulas, ao fomentar uma episódica unificação de abomináveis e per/vertidos . Avalio a luta particular de cada um/a, para então, propor uma agenda subalterna que promova a justiça social por reconhecimento e redistribuição. A aliança abominável e per/vertida intra-Deuteronômio apresenta uma proposta radicalmente democrática (i) em favor de uma cultura aberta ao Outro e (ii) contra estruturas autoritárias piramidais. Assinalo, portanto, que com essa dupla tática, os valores imperiais de hierarquização e subtração da irmandade deuteronômica são retoricamente postos em debate na comunidade.
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This article analyses the relationship between Orthodoxy and state from the unification of the Principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia in 1859 to the creation of Greater Romania in 1918. Examining the attitudes of political leaders towards the dominant religion, this article argues that during the reigns of Prince Cuza and King Carol I the Church became a state institution closely connected to the development of political regimes. It is suggested that by claiming doctrinal religious connections with Constantinople and independence from foreign intervention in the Church’s affairs, religious and political leaders from 1859 to 1918 amplified the construction of Romanian national mythology which contributed towards the political unity of the state.
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The Politics of the New Germany takes a new approach to understanding politics in the post-unification Federal Republic. Assuming only elementary knowledge, it focuses on debates and issues in order to help students understand both the workings of Germany's key institutions and some of the key policy challenges facing German politicians. Written in a straightforward style by four experts, each of the chapters draws on a rich variety of real-world examples. Packed with boxed summaries of key points, a guide to further reading and a range of seminar questions for discussion at the end of each chapter, this book highlights both the challenges and opportunities facing policy-makers in such areas as foreign affairs, economic policy, immigration, identity politics and institutional reforms. The book also takes a bird's-eye view of the big debates that define German politics over time, regardless of which party happens to be in power. It pinpoints three key themes that have characterised German politics over the last sixty years; reconciliation, consensus and transformation. Table of Contents: Introduction 1. Germany and the Burden of History 2. Germany’s Post-War Development, 1945-1989 3. Towards German Unity? 4. A Blockaded System of Government? 5. The Party System and Electoral Behaviour: The Path to Stable Instability? 6. Economic Management: The End of the German Model? 7. Citizenship and Demographics: A Country of Immigration? 8. The Reform of the Welfare State? 9. Germany and the European Union: A European Germany or a German Europe? 10. Foreign and Security Policy: A New Role for the Twenty-First Century? 11. Conclusion
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All four of the most important figures in the early twentieth-century development of quantum physics-Niels Bohr, Erwin Schroedinger, Werner Heisenberg and Wolfgang Pauli-had strong interests in the traditional mind-brain, or 'hard,' problem. This paper reviews their approach to this problem, showing the influence of Bohr's complementarity thesis, the significance of Schroedinger's small book, 'What is life?,' the updated Platonism of Heisenberg and, perhaps most interesting of all, the interaction of Carl Jung and Wolfgang Pauli in the latter's search for a unification of mind and matter. © 2005 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
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German unification in 1871 triggered a wave of enthusiasm for the fatherland amongst German migrants worldwide. Britain was no exception. National confidence and coherence received a boost through the new symbols of ‘Kaiser’ and ‘Reich’. From the 1880s onwards, more and more militaristic and chauvinistic undertones could be heard. Local branches of German patriotic and militaristic pressure groups were founded in Britain. Support for Germany’s ‘new course’ of colonialist expansion and its ambitious naval programme was, however, not confined to right–wing groups but permeated ethnic life in general. Religion and nationalism stood in a symbiotic relationship; some German academics lecturing at British universities displayed chauvinistic attitudes; social clubs were increasingly dominated by an atmosphere of ‘Reich’–nationalism. After the outbreak of war, public expressions of pro–German attitudes did not disappear and were one of numerous factors contributing to Germanophobia within the host society.
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Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, West Germany was considered to be one of the world’s most successful economic and political systems. In his seminal 1987 analysis of West Germany’s ‘semisovereign’ system of governance, Peter Katzenstein attributed this success to a combination of a fragmented polity, consensus politics and incremental policy changes. However, unification in 1990 has both changed Germany’s institutional configuration and created economic and social challenges on a huge scale. This volume therefore asks whether semisovereignty still exists in contemporary Germany and, crucially, whether it remains an asset in terms of addressing these challenges. By shadowing and building on the original study, an eminent team of British, German and American scholars analyses institutional changes and the resulting policy developments in key sectors, with Peter Katzenstein himself providing the conclusion. Together, the chapters provide a landmark assessment of the outcomes produced by one of the world’s most important countries. Contents: 1. Introduction: semisovereignty challenged Simon Green and William E. Paterson; 2. Institutional transfer: can semisovereignty be transferred? The political economy of Eastern Germany Wade Jacoby; 3. Political parties Thomas Saalfeld; 4. Federalism: the new territorialism Charlie Jeffery; 5. Shock-absorbers under stress. Parapublic institutions and the double challenges of German unification and European integration Andreas Busch; 6. Economic policy management: catastrophic equilibrium, tipping points and crisis interventions Kenneth Dyson; 7. Industrial relations: from state weakness as strength to state weakness as weakness. Welfare corporatism and the private use of the public interest Wolfgang Streeck; 8. Social policy: crisis and transformation Roland Czada; 9. Immigration and integration policy: between incrementalism and non-decisions Simon Green; 10. Environmental policy: the law of diminishing returns? Charles Lees; 11. Administrative reform Kluas H. Goetz; 12. European policy-making: between associated sovereignty and semisovereignty William E. Paterson; 13. Conclusion: semisovereignty in United Germany Peter J. Katzenstein.
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The Politics of the New Germany continues to provide the most comprehensive, authoritative and up-to-date textbook on contemporary German Politics. The text takes a new approach to understanding politics in the post-unification Federal Republic. Assuming only elementary knowledge, it focuses on a series of the most important debates and issues in Germany today with the aim of helping students understand both the workings of the country's key institutions and some of the most important policy challenges facing German politicians. For this second edition, the content has been comprehensively updated throughout, augmented by additional factboxes and data, and features new material on: •Grand coalition •Lisbon treaty •Constitutional court •Financial crisis •Reform of social policy •Afghanistan. Written in a straightforward style by three experts, each of the chapters draws on a rich variety of real-world examples. In doing so, it highlights both the challenges and opportunities facing policy-makers in such areas as foreign affairs, economic policy, immigration, identity politics and institutional reform. The book also takes a bird’s-eye view of the big debates that have defined German politics over time, regardless of which political parties happened to be in power. It pinpoints three key themes that have characterised German politics over the last sixty years; reconciliation, consensus and transformation. The book is a comprehensive, yet highly accessible, overview of politics in 21st Century Germany and should be essential reading for students of politics and international relations, as well as of European and German studies.
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Enterprise Risk Management (ERM) and Knowledge Management (KM) both encompass top-down and bottom-up approaches developing and embedding risk knowledge concepts and processes in strategy, policies, risk appetite definition, the decision-making process and business processes. The capacity to transfer risk knowledge affects all stakeholders and understanding of the risk knowledge about the enterprise's value is a key requirement in order to identify protection strategies for business sustainability. There are various factors that affect this capacity for transferring and understanding. Previous work has established that there is a difference between the influence of KM variables on Risk Control and on the perceived value of ERM. Communication among groups appears as a significant variable in improving Risk Control but only as a weak factor in improving the perceived value of ERM. However, the ERM mandate requires for its implementation a clear understanding, of risk management (RM) policies, actions and results, and the use of the integral view of RM as a governance and compliance program to support the value driven management of the organization. Furthermore, ERM implementation demands better capabilities for unification of the criteria of risk analysis, alignment of policies and protection guidelines across the organization. These capabilities can be affected by risk knowledge sharing between the RM group and the Board of Directors and other executives in the organization. This research presents an exploratory analysis of risk knowledge transfer variables used in risk management practice. A survey to risk management executives from 65 firms in various industries was undertaken and 108 answers were analyzed. Potential relationships among the variables are investigated using descriptive statistics and multivariate statistical models. The level of understanding of risk management policies and reports by the board is related to the quality of the flow of communication in the firm and perceived level of integration of the risk policy in the business processes.
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Germany's latest attempt at unification raises again the question of German nationhood and nationality. The present study examines the links between the development of the German language and the political history of Germany, principally in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. By examining the role of language in the establishment and exercise of political power and in the creation of national and group solidarity in Germany, the study both provides insights into the nature of language as political action and contributes to the socio-cultural history of the German language. The language-theoretical hypothesis on which the study is based sees language as a central factor in political action, and opposes the notion that language is a reflection of underlying political 'realities' which exist independently of language. Language is viewed as language-in-text which performs identifiable functions. Following Leech, five functions are distinguished, two of which (the regulative and the phatic) are regarded as central to political processes. The phatic function is tested against the role of the German language as a creator and symbol of national identity, with particular attention being paid to concepts of the 'purity' of the language. The regulative function (under which a persuasive function is also subsumed) is illustrated using the examples of German fascist discourse and selected cases from German history post-1945. In addition, the interactions are examined between language change and socio-economic change by postulating that language change is both a condition and consequence of socio-economic change, in that socio-economic change both requires and conditions changes in the communicative environment. Finally, three politocolinguistic case studies from the eight and ninth decades of the twentieth century are introduced in order to demonstrate specific ways in which language has been deployed in an attempt to create political realities, thus verifying the initial hypothesis of the centrality of language to the political process.
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This thesis is a sociological study of the ophthalmic optical profession in Britain. It includes a survey of the development of ophthalmic optics as an occupation and three questionnaire, surveys, one each of first and final year ophthalmic optics students, and one of practising opticians. The developmental survey showed that four themes have been important in the occupation's process of professionalisation - the actions of the opticians' leaders, the gradual unification of the bodies, representing segments of the profession, the struggle with medicine and the involvement of ophthalmic opticians in state-organised optical welfare schemes. The student surveys showed that the profession is now recruiting largely from middle class, state educated groups, and increasingly from women, who hold significantly different attitudes to income, independence and career commitment. In general, both first and final year students considered service to be rather more important than furthering knowledge. Practising opticians have been recruited increasingly, from middle class backgrounds, mostly from state selective secondary schools, but with a large minority from non-state schools. The self-recruitment rate of the profession (18.9%) is very similar to that for British medical students. Significant differences in concepts of professionalism were found among ophthalmic opticians of different ages, sexes and types of practice but few among those in different areas of practice. In general, ophthalmic opticians seemed to stress service more·than furthering knowledge. It is suggested that the leaders of the profession have 'negotiated' considerable autonomy for its members and that the possibilities for commercialism within the ophthalmic optician's professional role are intrinsically no greater than those in more 'established' professions.
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Due to the failure of PRARE the orbital accuracy of ERS-1 is typically 10-15 cm radially as compared to 3-4cm for TOPEX/Poseidon. To gain the most from these simultaneous datasets it is necessary to improve the orbital accuracy of ERS-1 so that it is commensurate with that of TOPEX/Poseidon. For the integration of these two datasets it is also necessary to determine the altimeter and sea state biases for each of the satellites. Several models for the sea state bias of ERS-1 are considered by analysis of the ERS-1 single satellite crossovers. The model adopted consists of the sea state bias as a percentage of the significant wave height, namely 5.95%. The removal of ERS-1 orbit error and recovery of an ERS-1 - TOPEX/Poseidon relative bias are both achieved by analysis of dual crossover residuals. The gravitational field based radial orbit error is modelled by a finite Fourier expansion series with the dominant frequencies determined by analysis of the JGM-2 co-variance matrix. Periodic and secular terms to model the errors due to atmospheric density, solar radiation pressure and initial state vector mis-modelling are also solved for. Validation of the dataset unification consists of comparing the mean sea surface topographies and annual variabilities derived from both the corrected and uncorrected ERS-1 orbits with those derived from TOPEX/Poseidon. The global and regional geographically fixed/variable orbit errors are also analysed pre and post correction, and a significant reduction is noted. Finally the use of dual/single satellite crossovers and repeat pass data, for the calibration of ERS-2 with respect to ERS-1 and TOPEX/Poseidon is shown by calculating the ERS-1/2 sea state and relative biases.
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In the wake of German unification, initial advertising by many West German companies in the new federal states (the former German Democratic Republic - GDR) proved largely ineffective and many advertisers were forced to change their approach to this new market. The advertising task proved even more complicated for banks, because banking existed only at the most basic level in the former GDR. Furthermore, under the old regime, "capitalist" banks represented the very antithesis of the GDR's founding ideology. This analysis of advertising by West German banks - in particular Dresdner Bank - in the new federal states brings together elements of discourse and communication theory, particularly Relevance Theory [Sperber and Wilson 1986], with the overall objective of designing a model of intercultural advertising communication. A series of simple association tasks based on texts from pre-Wende advertisements was completed by a sample of advertisees (as they are called in the study) in Leipzig. The research shows the lack of relevance between the advertiser's understanding of concepts such as "credit", "bank" etc. and the associations which these concepts have for the sample of advertisees. Further analysis reveals that this lack of relevance occurs because advertisers and advertisees assign differing contexts to these concepts when they communicate through advertising. The study concludes that these different contexts, governed by the contrasting ideological, economic and linguistic environments of the advertisers and advertisees, interfere with the effective communication of the advertising message.
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Over the last three decades foreign direct investment (FDI) has become the most visible driver of globalisation. It has grown faster than world output and international trade and now reports world annual flows exceeding 1,000 billion US dollars. In this period, Germany has undergone significant changes in order to play an important role in the globalisation process. Apart from being a member state of the European Union (EU) whose key feature is the free flow of trade, investment and labour, the re-unification of East and West Germany in 1990 has been a significant development. This in effect has meant that East Germany as well as other Eastern European nations opened up to foreign investment for the first time. In this period, Germany has attracted in excess of 10 per cent of inward FDI into the EU and invested around 15 per cent of all FDI in the EU. This thesis explores empirically the potential impact of FDI on firms operating in and investing from Germany over a ten year period. Using panel data at the firm-level it concentrates on three areas relating to FDI. Firstly, it considers whether foreign-owned firms are more productive than German multinational firms and German non-multinational firms. Secondly, the thesis considers the impact of German investments abroad on domestic productivity. Finally, employment effects emanating from outward high-tech FDI are estimated for the leading OECD (Organisation of Economic Co-operation and Development) countries, namely Germany, Belgium, France, the Netherlands, Sweden, the United Kingdom and Japan. The findings of the first analysis indicate that while foreign-owned firms are generally more productive than German non-multinationals, there is no clear cut difference between foreign-owned firms and German multinationals. These differences would not have been uncovered, had the analysis compared foreign firms with all domestic firms. Equally, location within Germany is also important, as this productivity gap is more pronounced for firms which are located in the Eastern states. The findings of the second analysis suggest that engaging in outward FDI has an overall positive effect on the parent firm's productivity at home. Finally, results of the third analysis show that an expansion of high-tech offshoring activities by OECD multinationals (MNEs) is not associated with any reduction in employment at home.