908 resultados para TOBACCO USE


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Includes bibliographical references.

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"October 1993."

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"Reports and Publications of the Bureau of Labor Statistics on Employee Benefits Programs": p. [49].

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Mode of access: Internet.

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Mode of access: Internet.

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Mode of access: Internet.

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Mode of access: Internet.

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Includes an annual Outlook issue.

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Aims The present study extends the findings of a pilot study conducted among regular amphetamine users in Newcastle, NSW, in 1998. It compares key features between current participants in a state capital city (Brisbane) and a regional city (Newcastle) and between the 1998 and current Newcastle sample. Design Cross-sectional survey. Setting Brisbane and Newcastle, Australia. Participants The survey was conducted among 214 regular amphetamine users within the context of a randomized controlled trial of brief interventions for amphetamine use. Measurements Demographic characteristics, past and present alcohol and other drug use and mental health, treatment, amphetamine-related harms and severity of dependence. Findings The main findings were as follows: (i) the rate of mental health problems was high among regular amphetamine users and these problems commonly emerged after commencement of regular amphetamine use; (ii) there were regional differences in drug use with greater accessibility to a wider range of drugs in a state capital city and greater levels of injecting risk-taking behaviour outside the capital city environment; and (iii) there was a significant increase in level of amphetamine use and percentage of alcohol users, a trend for a higher level of amphetamine dependence and a significant reduction in the percentage of people using heroin and benzodiazepines among the 2002 Newcastle cohort compared to the 1998 cohort. Conclusions Further longitudinal research is needed to elucidate transitions from one drug type to another and from recreational to injecting and regular use and the relationship between drug use and mental health in prospective studies among users. Implications Intervention research should evaluate the effectiveness of interventions aimed at: preventing transition to injecting and regular use of amphetamines; toward reducing levels of depression among amphetamine users and interventions among people with severe psychopathology and personality disorders; and toward reducing the prevalence of tobacco dependence among amphetamine users.

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Smoking rate is disproportionately high among patients with schizophrenia, resulting in significant morbidity and mortality. However, cigarette smoking has been reported to have beneficial effects on negative symptoms, extrapyramidal symptoms, cognitive functioning and mood symptoms. Therefore, smoking cessation may worsen disability in schizophrenia. The association between smoking and these key clinical parameters was examined. Additionally, severity of smoking across four different antipsychotic treatment groups was explored. One hundred and forty-six patients with schizophrenia were assessed for smoking using expired carbon monoxide and smoking history. They were administered the Positive and Negative Symptom Scale, The Extrapyramidal Symptom Rating Scale, the Barnes Akathisia Rating Scale, Reitans Trail-making Test (A and B) and General Health Questionnaire-28. There was no difference in the chlorpromazine equivalent dose of any of the medications studied. Atypical agents were associated with significantly lower levels of smoking when compared with typical medications. There was no difference in smoking severity between the individual atypical medications examined. Similarly, there were no significant differences between smoking and non-smoking groups with regard to Positive and Negative Symptom Scale, Extrapyramidal Symptom Rating Scale, Trail-making Test and General Health Questionnaire-28. However, there was a significant difference between these groups with the smoking group demonstrating less akathisia. Smoking is not associated with positive, negative cognitive and mood symptoms in schizophrenia. Smoking is associated with lower levels of antipsychotic induced akathisia. Clinicians should not be discouraged from helping patients stop smoking for fear of worsening symptoms. However, akathisia may emerge upon cessation of smoking. Switching patients from typical to atypical antipsychotics may assist patients with schizophrenia to give up smoking.

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Over the past fifteen years, an interconnected set of regulatory reforms, knownas Better Regulation, has been adopted across Europe, marking a significant shift in theway that European Union policies are developed. There has been little exploration of the origins of these reforms, which include mandatory ex ante impact assessment. Drawing on documentary and interview data, this article discusses how and why large corporations, notably British American Tobacco (BAT), worked to influence and promote these reforms. Our analysis highlights (1) howpolicy entrepreneurs with sufficient resources (such as large corporations) can shape the membership and direction of advocacy coalitions; (2) the extent to which "think tanks" may be prepared to lobby on behalf of commercial clients; and (3) why regulated industries (including tobacco) may favor the use of "evidence tools," such as impact assessments, in policy making. We argue that a key aspect of BAT's ability to shape regulatory reform involved the deliberate construction of a vaguely defined idea that could be strategically adapted to appeal to diverse constituencies.We discuss the theoretical implications of this finding for the Advocacy Coalition Framework, as well as the practical implications of the findings for efforts to promote transparency and public health in the European Union.

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Background The tobacco industry has long sought affiliation with major sporting events, including the Olympic Games, for marketing, advertising and promotion purposes. Since 1988, each Olympic Games has adopted a tobacco-free policy. Limited study of the effectiveness of the smoke-free policy has been undertaken to date, with none examining the tobacco industry's involvement with the Olympics or use of the Olympic brand. Methods and Findings A comparison of the contents of Olympic tobacco-free policies from 1988 to 2014 was carried out by searching the websites of the IOC and host NOCs. The specific tobacco control measures adopted for each Games were compiled and compared with measures recommended by the WHO Tobacco Free Sports Initiative and Article 13 of the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC). This was supported by semi-structured interviews of key informants involved with the adoption of tobacco-free policies for selected games. To understand the industry's interests in the Olympics, the Legacy Tobacco Documents Library (http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu) was systematically searched between June 2013 and August 2014. Company websites, secondary sources and media reports were also searched to triangulate the above data sources. This paper finds that, while most direct associations between tobacco and the Olympics have been prohibited since 1988, a variety of indirect associations undermine the Olympic tobacco-free policy. This is due to variation in the scope of tobacco-free policies, limited jurisdiction and continued efforts by the industry to be associated with Olympic ideals. Conclusions The paper concludes that, compatible with the IOC's commitment to promoting healthy lifestyles, a comprehensive tobacco-free policy with standardized and binding measures should be adopted by the International Olympic Committee and all national Olympic committees.

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Introduction - The Dutch implementation of the black border provision in the 2001 European Union Tobacco Products Directive (TPD) is studied to examine the implications of tobacco industry involvement in the implementation phase of the policy process. Methods - A qualitative analysis was conducted of Dutch government documents obtained through Freedom of Information Act requests, triangulated with in-depth interviews with key informants and secondary data sources (publicly available government documents, scientific literature, and news articles). Results - Tobacco manufacturers’ associations were given the opportunity to set implementation specifications via a fast-track deal with the government. The offer of early implementation of the labelling section of the TPD was used as political leverage by the industry, and underpinned by threats of litigation and arguments highlighting the risks of additional public costs and the benefits to the government of expediency and speed. Ultimately, the government agreed to the industry's interpretation, against the advice of the European Commission. Conclusions - The findings highlight the policy risks associated with corporate actors’ ability to use interactions over technical product specifications to influence the implementation of health policy and illustrate the difficulties in limiting industry interference in accordance with Article 5.3 of the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC). The implementation phase is particularly vulnerable to industry influence, where negotiation with industry actors may be unavoidable and the practical implications of relatively technical considerations are not always apparent to policymakers. During the implementation of the new TPD 2014/40/EU, government officials are advised to take a proactive role in stipulating technical specifications.

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OBJECTIVES: To examine the volume, relevance and quality of transnational tobacco corporations' (TTCs) evidence that standardised packaging of tobacco products 'won't work', following the UK government's decision to 'wait and see' until further evidence is available. DESIGN: Content analysis. SETTING: We analysed the evidence cited in submissions by the UK's four largest TTCs to the UK Department of Health consultation on standardised packaging in 2012. OUTCOME MEASURES: The volume, relevance (subject matter) and quality (as measured by independence from industry and peer-review) of evidence cited by TTCs was compared with evidence from a systematic review of standardised packaging . Fisher's exact test was used to assess differences in the quality of TTC and systematic review evidence. 100% of the data were second-coded to validate the findings: 94.7% intercoder reliability; all differences were resolved. RESULTS: 77/143 pieces of TTC-cited evidence were used to promote their claim that standardised packaging 'won't work'. Of these, just 17/77 addressed standardised packaging: 14 were industry connected and none were published in peer-reviewed journals. Comparison of TTC and systematic review evidence on standardised packaging showed that the industry evidence was of significantly lower quality in terms of tobacco industry connections and peer-review (p<0.0001). The most relevant TTC evidence (on standardised packaging or packaging generally, n=26) was of significantly lower quality (p<0.0001) than the least relevant (on other topics, n=51). Across the dataset, TTC-connected evidence was significantly less likely to be published in a peer-reviewed journal (p=0.0045). CONCLUSIONS: With few exceptions, evidence cited by TTCs to promote their claim that standardised packaging 'won't work' lacks either policy relevance or key indicators of quality. Policymakers could use these three criteria-subject matter, independence and peer-review status-to critically assess evidence submitted to them by corporate interests via Better Regulation processes.

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Adolescents - defined as young people between 10 and 19 years of age1 - are, in general, a relatively healthy segment of the population.2 However, the developmental changes that take place during adolescence may affect their subsequent risk for diseases and for a variety of health-related behaviors. In fact, early onset of preventable health problems (e.g. obesity, malnutrition, STDs) and the engagement in health risk behaviors (e.g., sedentary life style, excessive alcohol consumption, unprotected sex) during adolescence, are likely to put them at greater risk for physical and mental health problems at a later stage in life. Moreover, health related problems and health risk behaviors may disrupt adolescents' physical and cognitive development and therefore may affect their ability to think and act in relation to decisions about their health in the future.1 In summary, health-related behaviors in adolescence, apart from their influence on the continuum of "health-disease", they also have the potential to influence future behaviors. In fact, several studies have shown that past behaviors are good predictors of future behaviors .3,4 Thus, promoting healthy practices during adolescence and taking measures to better protect young people from health risks are essential for the prevention of health problems in adulthood.5 According to the World Health Organization, the main problems affecting young people include mental health problems (such as behavioral disorders, eating disorders, suicide, anxiety or depression), the use of substances (illegal substances, alcohol and tobacco), interpersonal violence, nutrition (a proper nutrition consists of healthy eating habits and physical exercise), unintentional injuries (which are a leading cause of death and disability among young people, with road traffic injuries accounting for about 700 deaths per day), sexual and reproductive health (for example, risky sexual behaviors, early pregnancy and childbirth) and HIV (resulting from sexual transmission and drug injection).5,6 On the other hand, the number of children and youth with chronic health conditions has increased dramatically in the past four decades7 as larger numbers of chronically ill children survive beyond the age of 10.8 Despite the lack of data on adolescents' health making it difficult to determine the prevalence of chronic illnesses in this age group9, it is known that one in ten adolescents suffers from a chronic condition worldwide.10 In fact, national population based studies from Western countries show that 20-30% of teenagers have a chronic illness, defined as one that lasts longer than six months.8 The most prevalent chronic illness among adolescents is asthma and the one with the highest incidence is diabetes mellitus, particularly type II.9 Traditionally, healthcare professionals have been mainly investing in health education activities, through the transmission of knowledge with a view to creating habits, customs and behaviors, and promoting healthy lifestyles. However, empowering people does not only consist of giving them the right information11 , i.e. good information is not enough to cause people to make changes.12 The motivation or desire to change unhealthy behaviors and habits depends on many factors, namely intrinsic motivation, control over personal decisions, self-confidence and perception of effectiveness, personal ambivalence, and individualized assistance.12 Many professionals assume that supplying knowledge is sufficient for behavioral changes; however, even very good advice often fails to generate behavioral change. After all, people continue to engage in unhealthy behaviors despite clearly knowing what they should do and how to change. "What is lacking is the motivation to apply that knowledge".13, p.1233 In fact, behavioral change is a complex phenomenon with multiple determinants that also includes motivational variables. It is associated with ambivalent processes expressed in the dilemma between keeping the current status and moving on to new ways of acting. For example, telling adolescents that if they keep on engaging in a certain behavior, they are increasing the risk of developing a long-term condition such as cardiovascular disease, stroke or diabetes is rarely enough to trigger the desired behavioral change; people are more likely to change when they believe that the change is really effective and that they are able to implement it.12 Therefore, it is essential to provide specific training for "healthcare professionals to master motivational techniques, avoid confrontation with the users, and facilitate behavioral changes".14 In this context, motivating patients to make behavioral changes is also an important nursing task where change in lifestyle is a major element of patients' treatment and preventive interventions.15 One of the nurse's goals is to help improve a patient's health or help them to manage existing health conditions. Once nurses are in a position where they have to focus on accomplishing tasks and telling patients what needs to be accomplished16, the role of the nurse is expanding even more into the use of motivational strategies.17 MI is bringing nurses back to therapeutic communication and moving them closer to successful health promotion and disease management, by promoting behavior change and empowering their patients. As the nursing profession evolves, MI is seen as a challenge and the basis of nurse's interactions with individuals, families and communities.16, 17 In the same way, MI may be taken as an essential tool in the provision of nursing care to adolescents, being itself a workspace with possible therapeutic effects regarding problems, clarification of doubts, and development of skills.18 In fact, MI may be particularly applicable in work with adolescents because of their specific developmental stage. Adolescents attempt to establish their own autonomy and identity while struggling with social interactions and moral issues, which leads to ambivalence.19 Consistent with the developmental challenges during adolescence, "MI explicitly honors autonomy, people's right and irrevocable ability to decide about their own behavior"20 while allowing the person to explore possibilities for change of risky or maladaptive behaviours.19 MI can be defined as a directive, client-centred counselling style for eliciting behavior change by helping clients to explore and resolve ambivalence. It is most centrally defined not by technique but by its spirit as a facilitative style of interpersonal relationship.21 It is a set of strategies and techniques widely used in clinical practice based on the transtheoretical model of change. The Stages of Change model describes five stages of readiness—precontemplation, contemplation, preparation, action, and maintenance—and provides a framework for understanding behavior change.22 The MI has been widely tested and applied in different areas, such as modification of addictive behaviors, interventions with offenders in the context of justice, eating disorders, promotion of therapeutic adherence among chronic patients, promotion of learning in school settings or intervention with adolescents at risk.18,23 In general, clinical practice has been adopting the perspective of motivation as something relatively immutable, i.e., the adolescent is either motivated for change/treatment and, in these conditions, the professional's role is to help him/her, or the adolescent is not motivated and then change/treatment is not feasible. Alternatively the theoretical model underlying the MI technique postulates that the individual's adherence to change/treatment depends on his/her motivation, which can change throughout the therapeutic intervention. As several studies found positive results for effects of MI24-26 and its use by health professionals is encouraged23,27 nurses may play an important role in patients' process of change. As nurses have a crucial role in clinical contexts, they can facilitate the process of ending risk behaviors and/or adopting positive health behaviors through some motivational techniques, namely with adolescents. A considerable number of systematic reviews about MI already exist pointing to some benefits of its use in the treatment of a broad range of behavioral problems and diseases.13,28,29 Some of the current reviews focus on examining the effectiveness of MI for adolescents with diverse health risks/problems 30-32. However, to date there are no reviews that present and assess the evidence for the use of nurse-led MI in adolescents. Therefore, we have little knowledge of what works for whom (which adolescent subpopulation) under what circumstances (in which setting, for what problem) in relation to motivational interviewing by nurses. There is a clear need for scoping or mapping the use of MI by nurses with adolescents to identify evidence gaps and to inform opportunities for future development in nursing practice. On the other hand, information regarding nurse-led implemented and evaluated interventions, techniques and/or strategies used, contexts of application and adolescents subpopulation groups is dispersed in the literature33-36 which impedes the formulation of precise questions about the effectiveness of those interventions conducted by nurses and therefore the realization of a systematic review. In other words, it is known that different kind of motivational interventions have been implemented in different contexts by nurses, however does not exist a map about all the motivational techniques and/or strategies used. Furthermore the literature does not clarify which is the role of nurses at cross professional motivational intervention implemented programs and finally the outcomes and evaluation of interventions are unclear. Thus, the practical implication of this mapping will be clarifying all these aspects. Without this clarification is not possible to proceed to the realization of a systematic review about the effectiveness of the use of motivational interviews by nurses to promote health behaviors in adolescents, in a particular context and/or health risk behavior; or regarding the effectiveness of certain technique and/or strategy of MI. Consequently, there are important questions about the nature of the evidence in this area that need to be answered before formulating a precise question of effectiveness. This scoping review aims to respond to these questions. An initial search of the JBI Database of Systematic Reviews & Implementation Reports, Cochrane Database of Systematic Reviews, , Database of promoting health effectiveness reviews (DoPHER), The Campbell Library, Medline and CINAHL, has revealed that currently there is no Scoping Review (published or in progress) on the subject. In this context, this scoping review will examine and map the published and unpublished research around the use of MI by nurses implemented and evaluated to promote health behaviors in adolescents; to establish its current extent, range and nature and identify its feasibility, outcomes and gaps in the evidence defining research priorities in this field. This scoping review will be informed by the JBI methodology37 that suggests a five stage methodological framework for conducting scoping reviews which includes: identifying the research question, searching for relevant studies, selecting studies, charting data, collating, summarizing and reporting the results.