757 resultados para Schwartz, Richard A.: Cold War culture : media and the arts, 1945-1990
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Quintus Curtius found in his sources a speech where a Scythian censured Alexander, followed by the King’s reply. Curtius drastically abridged this second discourse in order to highlight the criticism of the Macedonian. The Scythian’s words have a striking rhetorical language and some allusions taken from Greek literature, in addition to possible indirect references to Caligula. Curtius declares that he follows his source word-for-word aiming to justify these inconsistencies, but also trying to hide the manipulations he has done to achieve his own narrative purposes.
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El artículo reconstruye los principales aspectos de la labor del Congreso por la Libertad de la Cultura entre la oposición antifranquista del interior. Se describen las circunstancias políticas que motivaron la fundación del Comité Español (1959-1977), así como las principales características de esa célula intelectual antifranquista. El artículo indaga en los objetivos ideológicos y políticos de la actividad del Congreso por la Libertad de la Cultura entre las elites intelectuales y culturales disidentes durante el tardofranquismo. Nos concentramos especialmente en el capítulo que atañe a la ayuda directa dispensada por el Congreso por la Libertad de la Cultura a los intelectuales y artistas españoles mediante la concesión de becas de libros y bolsas de viaje a través del Comité d’Ecrivains et d’Editeurs pour une Entraide Européenne. Reconstruimos asimismo los nombres de los principales beneficiarios españoles de esas ayudas, así como la principal problemática vinculada al desarrollo del programa. El análisis histórico se apoya en documentos procedentes de diversos archivos nacionales e internacionales.
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n January 2014, the Northern Ireland Policing Board (NIPB) commissioned the University of Ulster to conduct research into public confidence in policing to help inform the work of the Board and its oversight of police service delivery. More specifically, the research team were tasked with exploring ‘the influence that politicians, community leaders and the media have on public confidence in policing in Northern Ireland’. To date, the subject of ‘confidence in policing’ within a Northern Ireland context has been relatively under researched, both in academic and policy terms. Thus, the present research is the first empirical research to be produced in Northern Ireland which considers the issue of confidence in policing from the perspective of community leaders, politicians and the media – including the key influences and dynamics which underpin police confidence at a community level.
The report begins with a comprehensive review of academic literature, policy documents and contemporary events related to confidence in policing. The research then provides an overview of the methodology used to undertake the research, with the remainder of the report comprised of the findings from the discussions with representatives from the media, political parties and the community and voluntary sector who participated. The report concludes with an overview of the central findings along with a series of recommendations.
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Discusses Montague's post-war prose work in terms of peace and silence.
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This chapter will examine participatory and collaborative production strategies that create opportunities for older women to participate in media production. It draws on practice-led research in participatory and community-based media in the Govan area of Glasgow, Scotland. In particular, it examines the production process of a participatory documentary I produced and directed with senior citizens who are members of the Govan Seniors Film Club, based at the Portal Arts Centre in Govan.You Play Your Part is a 20-minute documentary about campaigning women in and around Govan.
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The internet is deeply integrated with many people's day to day lives, including that of musicians and musicologists. In this thesis, the impact of the internet on classical music criticism in the Web 2.0 age is examined. Using the examples of Britten's operas, Gloriana and Peter Grimes, an overview of their critical reception is examined, using printed reviews found in The Times since their premières, internet based reviews of two specific performances, and the reactions to these performances on Twitter. Theories of media behaviour including de Mul's view of the 'ludic self' are used in order to explain the content found in reviews in conjunction with citizen journalism, of which blogging is an extension. While there are some consistencies between the print reviews and those online, there are stylistic differences, and wider repercussions for the world of criticism in the wake of the democratisation of culture, as critics find their previously regarded authority obsolete to some. Music criticism is no longer the reserve of the musicologists
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This thesis examines the early stages of the transformation of emblematic political prints into political caricature from the beginning of the Seven Years' War (1756) to the Treaty of Paris, which ended the American Revolutionary War (1783). Both contextual and iconographical issues are investigated in relation to the debates occasioned by Britain's imperial project, which marked a period of dramatic expansion during the Seven Years' War, and ended with the loss of the American colonies, consequently framing this thesis as a study of political prints during the rise and fall of the so-called 'First British Empire'. Previous studies of eighteenth-century political prints have largely ignored the complex and lengthy evolutionary process by which the emblematic mode amalgamated with caricatural representation, and have consequently concluded that political prints excluded emblems entirely by the end of the 1770s. However, this study emphasizes the significance of the Wilkite movement for the promotion and preservation of emblems, and investigates how pictorial political argument was perceived and received in eighteenth-century British society, arguing that wider tastes and opinions regarding the utilization of political prints gradually shifted to accept both modes of representation. Moreover, the marketplace, legal status, topicality, and manufacturing methods of political prints are analyzed in terms of understanding the precarious nature of their consumption and those that endeavoured to engage in political printmaking. The evolution, establishment, and subsequent appropriation of pictorial tropes is discussed from the early modern period to the beginning of the so-called Golden Age of caricature, while tracing the adaptation of representational models in American colonial prints that employed emblems already entrenched in British pictorial political debate. Political prints from the two largest print collections, the British Museum and the Lewis Walpole Library at Yale are consulted, along with a number of eighteenth-century newspapers and periodicals, to develop the earlier research by M. Dorothy George, Charles Press, Herbert Atherton, Diana Donald, Amelia Rauser, and Eirwen Nicholson.
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Discourses evoking an antibiotic apocalypse and a war on superbugs are emerging just at a time when so-called "catastrophe discourses" are undergoing critical and reflexive scrutiny in the context of global warming and climate change. This article combines insights from social science research into climate change discourses with applied metaphor research based on recent advances in cognitive linguistics, especially with relation to "discourse metaphors." It traces the emergence of a new apocalyptic discourse in microbiology and health care, examines its rhetorical and political function and discusses its advantages and disadvantages. It contains a reply by the author of the central discourse metaphor, "the post-antibiotic apocalypse," examined in the article.
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Carbon-supported Pt x –Rh y –Sn z catalysts (x:y:z = 3:1:4, 6:2:4, 9:3:4) are prepared by Pt, Rh, and Sn precursors reduction in different addition order. The materials are characterized by X-ray diffraction, transmission electron microscopy, and X-ray photoelectron spectroscopy techniques and are evaluated for the electrooxidation of ethanol in acidic media by cyclic voltammetry, chronoamperometry, and anode potentiostatic polarization. The influence of both the order in which the precursors are added and the composition of metals in the catalysts on the electrocatalytic activity and physico-chemical characteristics of Pt x –Rh y –Sn z /C catalysts is evaluated. Oxidized Rh species prevail on the surface of catalysts synthesized by simultaneous co-precipitation, thus demonstrating the influence of synthesis method on the oxidation state of catalysts. Furthermore, high amounts of Sn in composites synthesized by co-precipitation result in very active catalysts at low potentials (bifunctional effect), while medium Sn load is needed for sequentially deposited catalysts when the electronic effect is most important (high potentials), since more exposed Pt and Rh sites are needed on the catalyst surface to alcohol oxidation. The Pt3–Rh1–Sn4/C catalyst prepared by co-precipitation is the most active at potentials lower than 0.55 V (related to bifunctional effect), while the Pt6–Rh2–Sn4/C catalyst, prepared by sequential precipitation (first Rh and, after drying, Pt + Sn), is the most active above 0.55 V.
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The era between the close of the nineteenth century and the onset of the First World War witnessed a marked increase in radical agitation among Indian and Irish nationalists. The most outspoken political leaders of the day founded a series of widely circulated newspapers in India and Ireland, placing these editors in the enviable position of both reporting and creating the news. Nationalist journalists were in the vanguard of those pressing vocally for an independent India and Ireland, and together constituted an increasingly problematic contingent for the British Empire. The advanced-nationalist press in Ireland and the nationalist press in India took the lead in facilitating the exchange of provocative ideas—raising awareness of perceived imperial injustices, offering strategic advice, and cementing international solidarity. Irish and Indian press coverage of Britain’s imperial wars constituted one of the premier weapons in the nationalists’ arsenal, permitting them to build support for their ideology and forward their agenda in a manner both rapid and definitive. Directing their readers’ attention to conflicts overseas proved instructive in how the Empire dealt with those who resisted its policies, and also showcased how it conducted its affairs with its allies. As such, critical press coverage of the Boxer Rebellion, Boer War, Russo-Japanese War, and World War I bred disaffection for the Empire, while attempts by the Empire to suppress the critiques further alienated the public. This dissertation offers the first comparative analysis of the major nationalist press organs in India and Ireland, using the prism of war to illustrate the increasingly persuasive role of the press in promoting resistance to the Empire. It focuses on how the leading Indian and Irish editors not only fostered a nationalist agenda within their own countries, but also worked in concert to construct a global anti-imperialist platform. By highlighting the anti-imperial rhetoric of the nationalist press in India and Ireland and illuminating their strategies for attaining self-government, this study deepens understanding of the seeds of nationalism, making a contribution to comparative imperial scholarship, and demonstrating the power of the media to alter imperial dynamics and effect political change.
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This thesis examines the development of state-narco networks in post-transition Bolivia. Mainstream discourses of drugs tend to undertheorise such relationships, holding illicit economies, weak states and violence as synergistic phenomena. Such assumptions fail to capture the nuanced relations that emerge between the state and the drug trade in different contexts, their underlying logics and diverse effects. As an understudied case, Bolivia offers novel insights into these dynamics. Bolivian military authoritarian governments (1964-1982), for example, integrated drug rents into clientelistic systems of governance, helping to establish factional coalitions and reinforce regime authority. Following democratic transition in 1982 and the escalation of US counterdrug efforts, these stable modes of exchange between the state and the coca-cocaine economy fragmented. Bolivia, though, continued to experience lower levels of drug-related violence than its Andean neighbours, and sustained democratisation despite being a major drug producer. Focusing on the introduction of the Andean Initiative (1989-1993), I explore state-narco interactions during this period of flux: from authoritarianism to (formal) democracy, and from Cold War to Drug War. As such, the thesis transcends the conventional analyses of the drugs literature and orthodox readings of Latin American narco-violence, providing insights into the relationship between illicit economies and democratic transition, the regional role of the US, and the (unintended) consequences of drug policy interventions. I utilise a mixed methods approach to offer discrete perspectives on the object of study. Drawing on documentary and secondary sources, I argue that state-narco networks were interwoven with Bolivia’s post-transition political settlement. Uneven democratisation ensured pockets of informalism, as clientelistic and authoritarian practices continued. This included police and military autonomy, and tolerance of drug corruption within both institutions. Non-enforcement of democratic norms of accountability and transparency was linked to the maintenance of fragile political equilibrium. Interviews with key US and Bolivian elite actors also revealed differing interpretations of state-narco interactions. These exposed competing agendas, and were folded into alternative paradigms and narratives of the ‘war on drugs’. The extension of US Drug War goals and the targeting of ‘corrupt’ local power structures, clashed with local ambivalence towards the drug trade, opposition to destabilising, ‘Colombianised’ policies and the claimed ‘democratising mission’ of the Bolivian government. In contrasting these US and Bolivian accounts, the thesis shows how real and perceived state-narco webs were understood and navigated by different actors in distinct ways. ‘Drug corruption’ held significance beyond simple economic transaction or institutional failure. Contestation around state-narco interactions was enmeshed in US-Bolivian relations of power and control.
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2016
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This research investigates the Soviet Union’s role in guiding state-building processes of postcolonial Arab countries of the Middle East, leading them to adopt economic and political elements of the socialist-Leninist models of development. The widespread narrative depicts the Soviets as having failed to export communism in those states and, therefore, as having failed to bring them closer to Moscow’s sphere of influence and values. However, various Soviet archives suggest a different reality. As the Cold War burst forth, between the mid-1950s and mid-1960s, contacts between Soviet and Arab officials were not just incredibly frequent but they went to the core of all main issues of socio-economic development of these transforming countries: party politics, institution building, agrarian reforms, industrialisation, security sector reforms, etc. The research focuses on a period that may be labelled as ‘the launching phase’ of the Soviet Middle East policy, which established a long-lasting framework for the Soviet-Arab dialogue. It also places significant attention on the ‘personal dimension’ of such a dialogue, showing how Moscow’s influence went hand in hand with the ability of Soviet leaders and diplomats to establish relations of personal trust with postcolonial Arab élites. A selected number of Arab countries are examined: Egypt, Iraq and Syria. For each of these countries, a limited period of time will be taken into consideration, when Soviet influence reached its peak and state-building policies might have drawn from the Soviet model (for Egypt 1954-1958; for Iraq 1958-1963; for Syria 1961-1966). On the one hand, the analysis of specific case-studies will allow to investigate the relationship between Moscow and each of these new Arab regimes; on the other, such a large geographical scope will permit to grasp the elements and the objectives of the broader Soviet policy towards the Middle East region.
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Many different species of Bromeliaceae are endangered and their conservation requires specific knowledge of their growth habits and propagation. In vitro culture of bromeliads is an important method for efficient clonal propagation and ill vitro seed g,germination can be used to maintain genetic variability. The present work aims to evaluate the in vitro growth and nutrient concentration in leaves of the epiphyte bromeliads Vriesea friburguensis Mez, Vriesea hieroglyphica (Carriere) E. Morren, and Vriesea unilateralis Mez, which exhibit slow rates of growth in vivo and in vitro. Initially, we compared the endogenous mineral composition of bromeliad plantlets grown in half-strength Murashige and Skoog (MS) medium and the mineral composition considered adequate in the literature. This approach suggested that calcium (Ca) is a critical nutrient and this was considered for new media formulation. Three new culture media were defined in which the main changes to half-strength MS medium were an increase in Ca, magnesium, sulfur, copper, and chloride and a decrease in iron, maintaining the nitrate: ammonium rate at approximate to 2:1. The main difference among the three new media formulated was Ca concentration, which varied from 1.5 mm in half-strength MS to 3.0, 6.0, and 12 mm in M2, M3, and M4 media, respectively. Consistently, all three species exhibited significantly higher fresh and dry weight on M4, the newly defined medium with the highest level of Ca (12 mm). Leaf nitrogen, potassium, zinc, magnesium and boron concentrations increased as Ca concentration in the medium increased from 1.5 to 12 mm.