Luis Arana e i veterani di Euzkeldun Batzokija: la corrente ortodossa del nazionalismo basco

La tesi di Marco Perez intitolata “Luis Arana e i veterani di Euzkeldun Batzokija: la corrente ortodossa del nazionalismo basco”, può essere considerata come la biografia politica di uno dei personaggi più importanti del nazionalismo basco. Il lavoro di ricerca si centra fondamentalmente sull'ispiratore del nazionalismo euskaldun (e cofondatore del Partido Nacionalista Vasco) e della corrente che ne accompagnò e sostenne l'azione politica. Euzkeldun Batzokija fu il nome dato al primo circolo del PNV, fondato da Luis e Sabino Arana nel 1894. Successivamente, gli statuti del circolo e i suoi membri veterani furono presi come modello del nazionalismo primordiale (che si pretendeva definire sull'esempio dell'Ordine gesuita). Sul piano organizzativo la tesi si divide in sette capitoli che ricostruiscono il percorso politico di Luis Arana, dai primi documenti del 1879 fino alle ultime lettere inviate negli anni quaranta. Si tratta di un lungo periodo, che comprende momenti diversi della storia spagnola (dalle guerre carliste alla Guerra Civile spagnola) e del movimento aranista. In questo senso, sulla base di una generale e comparata riflessione sul nazionalismo, si analizza il movimento basco nei suoi rapporti con la modernità. Una realazione costruita attraverso concetti “diacronicamente” legati a un passato mitico e leggendario e comunque subalterna ai rapporti di forza tra le correnti del PNV. La corrente ortodossa fece sempre riferimento al nazionalismo “originario” (definito dai fratelli Arana nei primi anni del movimento) che fu un'espressione regionale del nazionalcattolicesimo spagnolo. Fu proprio Luis Arana a ricordare la finalità religiosa ed etnica del nazionalismo basco, respingendo qualsiasi aggiornamento teorico e organizzativo del PNV, intesi come una grave violazione dell'ortodossia aranista.

Il sarto tra Medioevo e prima Età moderna a Bologna e in altre città dell’Emilia Romagna

Il lavoro di Elisa Tosi Brandi riguarda il mestiere del sarto nel basso Medioevo e si sviluppa utilizzando due prospettive differenti. Da un lato, infatti, si è deciso di seguire una tradizione di studi oramai consolidata, che privilegia l’indagine degli aspetti economici e politici, dall’altro si è scelto di non trascurare la storia dei prodotti degli artigiani. L’approccio utilizzato in questa tesi tiene insieme entrambe le prospettive di ricerca, tentando dunque di indagare i produttori e i prodotti così come le fasi e i metodi di lavoro. Ciò senza ignorare, da un lato, indagini di tipo politico, economico e sociale, poiché tali oggetti sono lo specchio della società che li ha ideati e creati e da cui non si può prescindere e, dall’altro, indagini di tipo tecnico, poiché gli oggetti sono rivelatori del complesso patrimonio di conoscenze artigianali. Partendo dal caso di studio della Società dei sarti della città di Bologna, la tesi di Elisa Tosi Brandi ricostruisce questo mestiere confrontando tra loro fonti inedite (statuti corporativi, matricole, estimi) e studi effettuati su altre aree italiane. La ricca documentazione conservata ha consentito di mettere in luce l’organizzazione di questo lavoro, di collocare abitazioni e botteghe nell’area del mercato e nel più ampio tessuto cittadino, di individuare i percorsi commerciali e di approvvigionamento. L’ultima parte della tesi offre l’analisi di alcune fonti materiali al fine di ricostruire le tecniche sartoriali medievali intrecciando tutte le fonti consultate: dai documenti scritti si passa pertanto agli abiti che offrono informazioni dirette sulle tecniche di taglio ed assemblaggio.

Alle origini delle case di correzione. Indagine storico-educativa sulle pratiche di internamento in Italia e in Inghilterra

La presente tesi intende compiere un’indagine, dal punto di vista storico-educativo, sulla storia delle case di correzione. Nello specifico si è tentato di analizzare il “caso” del Discolato bolognese, operando un confronto con altre analoghe istituzioni, sorte in due città campione, come Roma e Milano, per quanto riguarda il contesto italiano, e con la situazione inglese, per quanto riguarda il contesto internazionale. Il focus della ricerca si è incentrato sul rapporto tra devianza e internamento, considerato secondo una declinazione pedagogica. A tal proposito si è cercato di far emergere le modalità educative, nonché i principi e le finalità che sottostavano agli interventi istituzionali, non solo soffermandosi su quanto i regolamenti e gli statuti prescrivevano all’interno delle strutture correzionali, ma analizzando la reclusione nella sua effettiva organizzazione quotidiana. Per quanto riguarda la situazione bolognese è stata analizzata un’ampissima documentazione, conservata presso l’Archivio storico Provinciale di Bologna, che ha permesso di svolgere un’analisi di tipo quantitativo su un totale di 1105 individui al fine di delineare le principali caratteristiche demografiche e sociali delle persone internate nel Discolato bolognese. L’interpretazione delle fonti ha permesso anche un’indagine qualitativa, nel tentativo di ricostruire le storie di vita dei singoli reclusi. Da questa ricerca emerge un’immagine complessa delle case di correzione. Nel corso dei secoli, in modo particolare nelle diverse realtà prese in esame, esse hanno assunto caratteristiche e peculiarità differenti. La loro inefficacia fu la motivazione principale che condusse alla definitiva chiusura, quando si fece via via sempre più evidente la difficoltà a tradurre in pratica ciò che regolamenti e statuti - a livello teorico - prescrivevano.

Governo, strutture e trasformazioni nel sistema universitario

L’elaborato costituisce la fase di approfondimento conclusivo del lavoro scientifico svolto negli anni precedenti. In quest’ottica, a circa tre anni dalla sua entrata in vigore, esso risulta prevalentemente incentrato sull’analisi delle principali innovazioni imposte dalla legge 30 dicembre 2010, n . 240, recante "Norme in materia di organizzazione delle università, di personale accademico e reclutamento, nonché delega al Governo per incentivare la qualità e l'efficienza del sistema universitario", nel tentativo di individuare quali soluzioni ,più o meno differenziate in base alle specificità delle diverse realtà, gli atenei italiani abbiano prefigurato mediante la revisione dei propri statuti, organi e strutture, al fine di rispettare ed attuare il dettato legislativo e non comprimere i propri spazi di autonomia. Contemporaneamente, esso approfondisce l’orientamento della giurisprudenza amministrativa in materia, la quale proprio nel corso di quest’anno ha avuto più di un’occasione di pronunciarsi in merito, per effetto dell’impugnazione ministeriale di molti dei nuovi statuti di autonomia. Infine, non viene tralasciata l’analisi dei profili e aspetti del sistema universitario italiano non intaccati dal cambiamento, ai fini del loro coordinamento con quelli riformati, cercando di percorrere parallelamente più strade: dalla ricognizione e lo studio dei più autorevoli contributi che la dottrina ha recentemente elaborato in materia, all’inquadramento delle scelte effettuate in sede di attuazione dai singoli atenei, anche alla luce dei decreti applicativi emanati. Il tutto al fine di individuare, anche grazie a studi di tipo comparato, con particolare riferimento all’ordinamento spagnolo, nuove soluzioni per il sistema universitario che, senza la pretesa di giungere a percorsi di cambiamento validamente applicabili per tutti gli atenei, possano risultare utili alla definizione di principi e modelli base, nel pieno rispetto del dettato costituzionale e dei parametri individuati a livello europeo con il processo di Bologna e la strategia di Lisbona.

MoVimento 5 Stelle - Fortführung des italienischen Rechtspopulismus?

In der vorliegenden Arbeit wird analysiert, ob die neue italienische Partei MoVimento 5 Stelle (M5S) eine rechtspopulistische Partei ist. Darüber hinaus wird mithilfe eines Vergleichs mit Berlusconis Partei Popolo della libertà (PDL) erörtert, ob das M5S den italienischen Rechtspopulismus fortführt. Das M5S wurde im Jahre 2009 von dem italienischen Komiker Beppe Grillo gegründet und zog nach seiner ersten Teilnahme an nationalen Wahlen im Jahre 2013 als zweitstärkste Partei in das italienische Parlament ein. Mit seiner Anti-Establishment-Programmatik und der Ablehnung der etablierten Parteien ähnelt das M5S nicht nur Berlusconis Partei PDL, sondern auch den rechtspopulistischen Parteien, die seit den 1980er Jahren in Westeuropa beständig an Relevanz gewonnen haben. Diese Parteien polemisieren gegen Politiker und Parteien, stellen die Legitimität von Minderheitenrechten und die Prinzipien der repräsentativen Demokratie in Frage. Organisatorisch gruppieren sie sich um einen charismatischen Anführer, dessen Anspruch es ist, die ‚Stimme des Volkes‘ zu repräsentieren. Diese und andere zentrale Charakteristika sind Gegenstand des theoretischen Teils dieser Arbeit. Die Analysedimension sind ‚Programmatik‘ und ‚Organisation‘. Die letztgenannte Kategorie wird in ‚interne Organisationsstruktur‘ und ‚Kommunikation‘ unterteilt. Die Basis der Analyse bilden Parteidokumente (Wahl- und Parteiprogramme, Parteistatuten, Blogeinträge), Experteneinschätzungen und die Forschungsliteratur. Die Untersuchung kommt zu dem Ergebnis, dass es sich beim M5S nicht um eine rechtspopulistische, sondern um eine populistische Partei mit linken Elementen handelt. Den italienischen Rechtspopulismus, wie ihn Berlusconis Partei pflegt, führt sie folglich nicht fort. Sie zeigt in der Organisation starke Parallelen, da beide Parteien von ihren Anführern dominiert werden. Aber das M5S hat eine stark web-basierte Organisationsform und vertritt Umweltthemen, was keine typischen Merkmale rechtspopulistischer Parteien sind. Darüber hinaus vertritt es keine nationalistischen Position, was hingegen konstitutiv für Rechtspopulismus ist.

The Politics of Accountability and Teacher Preparation: A Case Study from Pennsylvania

In an effort to understand some of the ways that accountability-based reform efforts have influenced teacher education, this article details the politics of accountability in Pennsylvania that motivated sweeping changes in the policies governing teacher preparation in 2006. This case study provides a poignant example of the kind of complex accountability systems now being constructed across the United States in an effort to change teacher preparation. By analyzing primary documents including the legal statutes governing teacher preparation in Pennsylvania, correspondence from the Pennsylvania Department of Education, related newsletters, memos, reports, transcripts of meetings, and testimony before the Pennsylvania House of Representatives, the complex nature of the conflicts underlying the development and implementation of teacher education reform is brought into focus. The study's findings suggest that a deep and uncritical acceptance of accountability-based teacher education reform on the part of educational policy makers is likely to do more harm than good. The article concludes by outlining a framework for developing more intelligent measures of accountability that might preserve professional autonomy and judgment.

The Politics of Accountability and Teacher Preparation

In an effort to understand some of the ways that accountability-based reform efforts have influenced teacher education, this article details the politics of accountability in Pennsylvania that motivated sweeping changes in the policies governing teacher preparation in 2006. This case study provides a poignant example of the kind of complex accountability systems now being constructed across the United States in an effort to change teacher preparation. By analyzing primary documents including the legal statutes governing teacher preparation in Pennsylvania, correspondence from the Pennsylvania Department of Education, related newsletters, memos, reports, transcripts of meetings, and testimony before the Pennsylvania House of Representatives, the complex nature of the conflicts underlying the development and implementation of teacher education reform is brought into focus. The study's findings suggest that a deep and uncritical acceptance of accountability-based teacher education reform on the part of educational policy makers is likely to do more harm than good. The article concludes by outlining a framework for developing more intelligent measures of accountability that might preserve professional autonomy and judgment.

Floods of the Upper Danube River and Its Tributaries and Their Impact on Urban Economies (c. 1350–1600): The Examples of the Towns of Krems/Stein and Wels (Austria)

This paper examines the impact of disastrous and ‘ordinary’ floods on human societies in what is now Austria. The focus is on urban areas and their neighbourhoods. Examining institutional sources such as accounts of the bridge masters, charters, statutes and official petitions, it can be shown that city communities were well acquainted with this permanent risk: in fact, an office was established for the restoration of bridges and the maintenance of water defences and large depots for timber and water pipes ensured that the reconstruction of bridges and the system of water supply could start immediately after the floods had subsided. Carpenters and similar groups gained 10 to 20 per cent of their income from the repair of bridges and other flood damage. The construction of houses in endangered zones was adapted in order to survive the worst case experiences. Thus, we may describe those communities living along the central European rivers as ‘cultures of flood management’. This special knowledge vanished, however, from the mid-nineteenth century onwards, when river regulations gave the people a false feeling of security.

Implementation analysis of the Texas Vendor Drug Program

An agency is accountable to a legislative body in the implementation of public policy. It has a responsibility to ensure that the implementation of that policy is consistent with its statutory objectives.^ The analysis of the effectiveness of implementation of the Vendor Drug Program proceeded in the following manner. The federal and state roles and statutes pursuant to the formulation of the Vendor Drug Program were reviewed to determine statutory intent and formal provisions. The translation of these into programmatic details was examined focusing on the factors impacting the implementation process. Lastly, the six conditions outlined by Mazmanian and Sabatier as criteria for effective implementation, were applied to the implementation of the Vendor Drug Program to determine if the implementation was effective in relation to consistency with statutory objectives.^ The implementation of the statutes clearly met four of the six conditions for effective implementation: (1) clear and consistent objectives; (2) a valid causal theory; (3) structured the process to maximize agency and target compliance with the objectives; and (4) had continued support of constituency groups and sovereigns.^ The implementation was basically consistent with the statutory objectives, although the determination of vendor reimbursement has had and continues to have problems. ^

An die Abgeordneten der Hohen National-Versammlung für den Kreis Magdeburg, Herrn Regier. Rath v. Unruh und Herrn Prof. Pax: Hochwohlgeboren. In Anerkennung des Bedürfnisses einer festeren Gestaltung ...

Welsch (Projektbearbeiter): Ablehnung des preußischen Gesetzentwurfes vom 7. Juli 1848 über die Einrichtung einer Bürgerwehr; Gesetzentwurf über die Einrichtung von Bürgerwehrgerichten

Penalty Enhancement for Hate Crimes: An Economic Analysis

The issue of bias-motivated crimes has attracted consderable attention in recent years. In this paper, we develop an economic framework to analyze penalty enhancements for bias-motivated crimes. We extend the standard model by introducing two different groups of potential victims of crime, and assume that a potential offender's benefits from a crime depend on the group to which the victim belongs. We begin with the assumption that the harm to an individual victim from a bias-motivated crime is identical to that from an equivalent non-hate crime. Nonetheless, we derive the result that a pattern of crimes disproportionately targeting an identifiable group leads to greater social harm. This conclusion follows both from a model where disparities in groups' victimization probabilities lead to social losses due to fairness concerns, as well as a model where potential victims have the opportunity to undertake socially costly victimization avoidance activities. In particular, penalty enhancements can reduce the incentives for avoidance activity, and thereby protect the networks of profitable interactions that link members of different groups. We also argue that those groups that are covered by hate crime statutes tend to be those whose characteristics make it especially likely that penalty enhancement is socially optimal. Finally, we consider a number of other issues related to hate crimes, including teh choice of sanctions from behind a Rawlsian 'veil of ignorance' concerning group identity.

Crack and powder cocaine federal legislation: A sentencing disparity and potential for policy improvement

Since its introduction into the United States in the 1980s, crack cocaine has been a harsh epidemic that has taken its toll on a countless number of people. This highly addictive, cheap and readily available drug of abuse has permeated many demographic sectors, mostly in low income, lesser educated, and urban communities. This epidemic of crack cocaine use in inner city areas across the Unites States has been described as an expression of economic marginality and “social suffering” coupled with the local and international forces of drug market economies (Agar 2003). As crack cocaine is a derivative of cocaine, it utilizes the psychoactive component of the drug, but delivers it in a much stronger, quicker, and more addictive fashion. This, coupled with its ready availability and cheap price has allowed for users to not only become very addicted very quickly, but to be subject to the stringent and sometimes unequal or inconsistent punishments for possession and distribution of crack-cocaine. ^ There are many public health and social ramifications from the abuse of crack-cocaine, and these epidemics appear to target low income and minority groups. Public health issues relating to the physical, mental, and economic strain will be addressed, as well as the direct and indirect effects of the punishments that come as a result of the disparity in penalties for cocaine and crack-cocaine possession and distribution. ^ Three new policies have recently been introduced into the United Stated Congress that actively address the disparity in sentencing for drug and criminal activities. They are, (1) Powder-Crack Cocaine Penalty Equalization Act of 2009, (HR 18, 111th Cong. 2009), (2) The Drug Sentencing Reform and Cocaine Kingpin Trafficking Act of 2009, (HR 265, 111th Cong. 2009) and (3) The Justice Integrity Act of 2009, (111th Cong. 2009). ^ Although they have only been initiated, if passed, they have potential to not only eliminate the crack-cocaine disparity, but to enact laws that help those affected by this epidemic. The final and overarching goal of this paper is to analyze and ultimately choose the ideal policy that would not only eliminate the cocaine and crack disparity regardless of current or future state statutes, but will provide the best method of rehabilitation, prevention, and justice. ^

The movement toward patient safety: State action related to reporting and disclosure of healthcare-associated infections

Increasing attention has been given to the problem of medical errors over the past decade. Included within that focused attention has been a strong interest in reducing the occurrence of healthcare-associated infections (HAIs). Acting concurrently with federal initiatives, the majority of U.S. states have statutorily required reporting and public disclosure of HAI data. Although the occurrence of these state statutory enactments and other state initiatives represent a recognition of the strong concern pertaining to HAIs, vast differences in each state’s HAI reporting and public disclosure requirements creates a varied and unequal response to what has become a national problem.^ The purpose of this research was to explore the variations in state HAI legal requirements and other state mandates. State actions, including statutory enactments, regulations, and other initiatives related to state reporting and public disclosure mechanisms were compared, discussed, and analyzed in an effort to illustrate the impact of the lack of uniformity as a public health concern.^ The HAI statutes, administrative requirements, and other mandates of each state and two U.S. territories were reviewed to answer the following seven research questions: How far has the state progressed in its HAI initiative? If the state has a HAI reporting requirement, is it mandatory or voluntary? What healthcare entities are subject to the reporting requirements? What data collection system is utilized? What measures are required to be reported? What is the public disclosure mechanism? How is the underlying reported information protected from public disclosure or other legal release?^ Secondary publicly available data, including state statutes, administrative rules, and other initiatives, were utilized to examine the current HAI-related legislative and administrative activity of the study subjects. The information was reviewed and analyzed to determine variations in HAI reporting and public disclosure laws. Particular attention was given to the seven key research questions.^ The research revealed that considerable progress has been achieved in state HAI initiatives since 2004. Despite this progress, however, when reviewing the state laws and HAI programs comparatively, considerable variations were found to exist with regards to the type of reporting requirements, healthcare facilities subject to the reporting laws, data collection systems utilized, reportable measures, public disclosure requirements, and confidentiality and privilege provisions. The wide variations in state statutes, administrative rules, and other agency directives create a fragmented and inconsistent approach to addressing the nationwide occurrence of HAIs in the U.S. healthcare system. ^