847 resultados para Racial and Ethnic Politics
Resumo:
This paper seeks to examine the particular operations of gender and cultural politics that both shaped and restrained possible 'networked' interactions between Jamaican women and their British 'motherlands' during the first forty years of the twentieth century. Paying particular attention to the poetry of Albinia Catherine MacKay (a Scots Creole) and the political journalism of Una Marson (a black Jamaica), I shall seek to examine why both writers speak in and of voices out of place. MacKay's poems work against the critical pull of transnational modernism to reveal aesthetic and cultural isolation through a model of strained belonging in relation to both her Jamaica home and an ancestral Scotland. A small number of poems from her 1912 collection that are dedicated to the historical struggle between the English and Scots for the rule of Scotland and cultural self-determination, some of which are written in a Scottish idiom, may help us to read the complex cultural negotiations that silently inform the seemingly in commensurability of location and locution revealed in these works. In contrast, Marson's journalism, although less known even than her creative writings, is both politically and intellectually radical in its arguments concerning the mutual articulation of race and gender empowerment. However, Marson remains aware of her inability to articulate these convictions with force in a British context and thereby of the way in which speaking out of place also silences her.
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European researchers across heterogeneous disciplines voice concerns and argue for new paths towards a brighter future regarding scientific and knowledge creation and communication. Recently, in biological and natural sciences concerns have been expressed that major threats are intentionally ignored. These threats are challenging Europe’s future sustainability towards creating knowledge that effectively deals with emerging social, environmental, health, and economic problems of a planetary scope. Within social science circles however, the root cause regarding the above challenges, have been linked with macro level forces of neo-liberal ways of valuing and relevant rules in academia and beyond which we take for granted. These concerns raised by heterogeneous scholars in natural and the applied social sciences concern the ethics of today’s research and academic integrity. Applying Bourdieu’s sociology may not allow an optimistic lens if change is possible. Rather than attributing the replication of neo-liberal habitus in intentional agent and institutional choices, Bourdieu’s work raises the importance of thoughtlessly internalised habits in human and social action. Accordingly, most action within a given paradigm (in this case, neo-liberalism) is understood as habituated, i.e. unconsciously reproducing external social fields, even ill-defined ways of valuing. This essay analyses these and how they may help critically analyse the current habitus surrounding research and knowledge production, evaluation, and communication and related aspects of academic freedom. Although it is acknowledged that transformation is not easy, the essay presents arguments and recent theory paths to suggest that change nevertheless may be a realistic hope once certain action logics are encouraged.
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The book is a collection of cutting edge essay on the politics of the environment covering and analysing important topics, such as the Kyoto protocol and deforestation, this book provides extensive coverage of all aspects of environmental politics. This unbiased survey is of interest to students, academics, business people and general researchers. Four sections present a thorough overview of current issues in the politics of the environment in historical perspective. The first section consists of essays written by a variety of academic and other experts on topics including Globalization: The Environment and Development Debate; The State, International Relations and the Environment; Environmental Movements; Mass Media and Environmental Politics; and The Ethical Dimensions of Global Environmental Change
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This comparative inquiry examines the multi-/bilingual nature and cultural diversity of two distinctly different linguistic and ethnic communities in Montreal – English speakers and Chinese speakers – with a focus on the multi/bilingual and multi/biliterate development of children from these two communities who attend French-language schools, by choice in one case and by law in the other. In both of these communities, children traditionally achieve academic success. The authors approach this investigation from the perspective of the parents’ aspirations and expectations for, and their support of and involvement in, their children’s education. These two communities share key similarities and differences that, when considered together, help to clarify a number of issues involving multi/biliteracy development, socio-economic and linguistic capital, minority/majority language status, mother-tongue support, home–school continuities, and linguistic identity.
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This paper draws on a study of the politics of development planning in London’s South Bank to examine wider trends in the governance of contemporary cities. It assesses the impacts and outcomes of so-called new localist reforms and argues that we are witnessing two principal trends. First, governance processes are increasingly dominated by anti-democratic development machines, characterized by new assemblages of public- and private-sector experts. These machines reflect and reproduce a type of development politics in which there is a greater emphasis on a pragmatic realism and a politics of delivery. Second, the presence of these machines is having a significant impact on the politics of planning. Democratic engagement is not seen as the basis for new forms of localism and community control. Instead, it is presented as a potentially disruptive force that needs to be managed by a new breed of skilled private-sector consultant. The paper examines these wider shifts in urban politics before focusing on the connections between emerging development machines and local residential and business communities. It ends by highlighting some of the wider implications of change for democratic modes of engagement and nodes of resistance in urban politics.
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This paper applies the concept of procedural justice to one of the most important focal points of interorganizational relations: the purchaser–supplier relationship. The few extant studies of the concept in the purchaser–supplier domain have overlooked an important aspect of this key relationship: that is, inclusiveness in procurement. This is despite the fact that interest in the specific empirical context of supply chain links between large purchasing organizations (LPOs) and ethnic minority suppliers (EMSs) from disadvantaged communities proceeds apace on both sides of the Atlantic. Institutional theory is used to examine the form that procedural justice takes in eight case studies of LPOs from the private and public sectors, which actively engage with inclusive procurement management initiatives in England. The guiding question is twofold: ‘What may LPO approaches to installing procedural justice in procurement management entail?’ and ‘How are these approaches shaped?’ This paper identifies specific approaches to installing procedural justice for inclusive procurement and submits theoretical propositions about how these are shaped. The study contributes to a macro-level assessment of procedural justice, i.e. interorganizational procedural justice, as a significant aspect of inclusive interorganizational relationships, which is a domain in need of theoretical development.
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This paper explores the unique approach to childhood and children’s literature of the research and teaching of the ‘Graduate Centre for International Research in Childhood: Literature, Culture, Media (CIRCL)’. CIRCL follows in its work the arguments of UK critical theorist Jacqueline Rose in her seminal 1984 book The case of Peter Pan or the impossibility of children’s fiction. Rose’s work has been widely and routinely referenced in Children’s Literature studies particularly, but CIRCL interprets her arguments as having quite different implications than those usually assumed. Rose is generally attributed with having pointed out that ‘childhood’ is not one, homogenous category, but that childhood is divided by gender, race, and ethnic, political and religious (and so on) identities. But for CIRCL this is only a first step in Rose’s arguments and certainly one not unique to her work anyway: the perception of various cultural and historical childhoods is widely held. Instead, my paper explores how Rose’s arguments are centrally about how ‘childhood’ itself cannot be maintained in the face of division, a division, moreover, which operates inevitably at every level, and which derives from Rose’s interpretation of psychoanalysis as formulated by Sigmund Freud, which Rose derives in turn from her readings of the interpretations of Freud by French analyst Jacques Lacan and French critical theorist Jacques Derrida. Finally, my paper argues how Rose’s position is about any ‘identity’, including gender and that this allies her work closely to that of the famous gender theorist Judith Butler, whose arguments are often (mis) understood in the same ways as those of Rose.
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The narrative of the United States is of a "nation of immigrants" in which the language shift patterns of earlier ethnolinguistic groups have tended towards linguistic assimilation through English. In recent years, however, changes in the demographic landscape and language maintenance by non-English speaking immigrants, particularly Hispanics, have been perceived as threats and have led to calls for an official English language policy.This thesis aims to contribute to the study of language policy making from a societal security perspective as expressed in attitudes regarding language and identity originating in the daily interaction between language groups. The focus is on the role of language and American identity in relation to immigration. The study takes an interdisciplinary approach combining language policy studies, security theory, and critical discourse analysis. The material consists of articles collected from four newspapers, namely USA Today, The New York Times, Los Angeles Times, and San Francisco Chronicle between April 2006 and December 2007.Two discourse types are evident from the analysis namely Loyalty and Efficiency. The former is mainly marked by concerns of national identity and contains speech acts of security related to language shift, choice and English for unity. Immigrants are represented as dehumanised, and harmful. Immigration is given as sovereignty-related, racial, and as war. The discourse type of Efficiency is mainly instrumental and contains speech acts of security related to cost, provision of services, health and safety, and social mobility. Immigrants are further represented as a labour resource. These discourse types reflect how the construction of the linguistic 'we' is expected to be maintained. Loyalty is triggered by arguments that the collective identity is threatened and is itself used in reproducing the collective 'we' through hegemonic expressions of monolingualism in the public space and semi-public space. The denigration of immigrants is used as a tool for enhancing societal security through solidarity and as a possible justification for the denial of minority rights. Also, although language acquisition patterns still follow the historical trend of language shift, factors indicating cultural separateness such as the appearance of speech communities or the use of minority languages in the public space and semi-public space have led to manifestations of intolerance. Examples of discrimination and prejudice towards minority groups indicate that the perception of worth of a shared language differs from the actual worth of dominant language acquisition for integration purposes. The study further indicates that the efficient working of the free market by using minority languages to sell services or buy labour is perceived as conflicting with nation-building notions since it may create separately functioning sub-communities with a new cultural capital recognised as legitimate competence. The discourse types mainly represent securitising moves constructing existential threats. The perception of threat and ideas of national belonging are primarily based on a zero-sum notion favouring monolingualism. Further, the identity of the immigrant individual is seen as dynamic and adaptable to assimilationist measures whereas the identity of the state and its members are perceived as static. Also, the study shows that debates concerning language status are linked to extra-linguistic matters. To conclude, policy makers in the US need to consider the relationship between four factors, namely societal security based on collective identity, individual/human security, human rights, and a changing linguistic demography, for proposed language intervention measures to be successful.
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In the shadow of ethno-cultural stereotypes: gender, equity and ethnic relations in Sweden Scientific debates about cultural differences between ”Swedes” and migrants/ethnic minorities in Sweden have fuelled stereotypical categorizations and a socio-cultural demarcation between ”us” and ”them”. The authors argue that this development has underpinned constructions of foreignness. In the light of a critical review of the current debate on honour related violence, the authors discuss – inspired by Georg Simmel’s and Erving Goffman’s classic texts on the stranger, the stigma and the construction of foreignness – alternative understandings of culture and politics of belonging with a focus on gender, agency and identity formation. Formation of cultural and ethnic identity should be related, the authors conclude, to a dynamic interplay between the past and the present. Moreover, the social dimension should be highlighted, in order to avoid a stigmatizing culturalism.
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In 2000 when Sweden signed the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities the Roma minority became one of the acknowledged national minorities in the country. It meant that the rights of the Roma mi-nority would be safeguarded and the knowledge of its history and culture would be spread. In that context, the Swedish school, with its founded as-signment of democracy, was given an important role. The education was to communicate the multicultural values of the society and to make visible the history and culture of the Roma minority. The school books used in teaching today do not meet these demands. The view of the Roma minority given in school books is often inadequate and simplified. The present study will therefore examine a different type of edu-cational material used in schools and teaching, The Swedish Educational Broadcasting Company‟s programs of history and social studies regarding the Roma minority. Starting in postcolonial theory as well as critical dis-course analysis the study examines how the picture of the Roma cultural and ethnic identity in the Swedish Educational Broadcasting Company‟s material has been displayed and possibly changed during the period of 1975 to 2013. The results show a picture of Roma which, both in form and content, con-sists of some clearly demarcated discursive categories. The obvious continui-ty of the categories gives a picture of static and invariable Roma identity. At the same time this unambiguous picture is broken both by giving the existing discourses new meaning and also adding new discourses. The complexity and nuances become more prominent and the Roma identity is integrated in common Swedish history telling. The changes in the view of Roma, given by the Swedish Educational Broadcasting Company, can mainly be explained by the change of the Swedish immigration and minority policy and, as a conse-quence of this, the change of the school‟s mission regarding knowledge communication of Sweden as a multicultural country.
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Este trabalho tem como principal objetivo refletir sobre as questões de gênero e diversidade nas políticas públicas de educação no Brasil. O propósito foi analisar o esforço investido em mudanças no processo de formação básica, que buscam tornar a escola um lugar mais igualitário, preparado para cumprir seu papel na formação de sujeitos para o exercício da cidadania. Também foi finalidade da pesquisa captar a percepção dos educadores em face desse esforço. Como estudo de caso, foi tomado o curso piloto do projeto Gênero e Diversidade na Escola (GDE), que propõe, através de formação complementar, uma discussão com educadores sobre assuntos da diversidade, gênero, sexualidade e relações étnico-raciais. O curso GDE, realizado no ano de 2006, ofertou 1200 vagas para professores do ensino fundamental de seis municípios das cinco regiões brasileiras: Dourados/MS, Niterói e Nova Iguaçu/RJ, Maringá/PR, Porto Velho/RO e Salvador/BA. Para viabilizar a pesquisa foram analisados 60 memoriais, desenvolvidos como parte da avaliação final dos professores que participaram do projeto.
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Even though the term corporate inversion has been heard globally for decades, it has only become more prevalent in the United States during the past two years. This case study examines two United States companies that recently had very high profile and public corporate inversion experiences. Complicated tax laws and high tax rales have long eroded the ability of United States companies to remain competitive on a global scale. During the past two years, tax reform has been elevated to the Presidential and Congressional levei. Because these reform efforts have stalled, however, and in the constant search for ways to become more competitive and profitable, United States dorniciled companies have begun to more aggressively explore corporate inversion. This case study of Walgreens Alliance Boots and Mylan N.V., is undertaken because while the reasons to pursue a corporate inversion for both companies were very similar and done during the same time period, the internai process and final outcome were dramatically different. The other dynamic studied is the role both internai and externai politics had on these two cornpanies and how they influenced the decisions made by the executives. Lastly, the Obama Administration continues to threaten so called "corporate America" to remain in the country through regulatory pressure, but this has not stopped companies frorn pursing corporate inversions. Legislatively, attempts at corporate tax reform, another way to encourage Untied States companies to remain, have also failed. I will not try to determine i f a corporate inversion is the right path for a company to take. I am examining how the rise o f the practice o f corporate inversions has been elevated in boardroorns, on Wall Street, in Congress and at the White House during the past two years.
Samba e negritude: práticas discursivas identitárias negras em sambas de enredo de temática africana
Resumo:
The study object of this thesis is the process of affirmation, (re)construction and (re)signification of the black identities in the discourses which cross the samba-enredo of African theme of the samba schools belonging to the elite group from the carioca carnival, in the period from 1960 and 2007. The main question which guides this research is the following: How does this discursive process occur and which are the possible effects resulting from it? This research aims to understand, through interpretation gestures of such discourses and from those which undergo the interview statements and the answers given to the questionnaires applied to spectators and parade exhibiters of these samba schools, in what way the negritude conception and the citizenship practice of the black Brazilian people, especially those from Rio de Janeiro, can be affected by the meaning production circulating in the discursive practices of these sambas. The research was theoretically related to the Applied Linguistics, however it articulates theories originated from Cultural Studies and Ethnic-racial Studies as well as it presents some theoretical and methodological fundamentals from the Discourse Analysis of French line. As concerns the methodology, it is of interpretative, qualitative basis with procedures of discursive character. The interview analysis did not reveal, as consequence of the discourses circulating in the sambas, a direct involvement of the black people who were interviewed in struggle for their citizenship practice, but it pointed out sliding of meaning in regard to the negritude emergence
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This study was carried out to verify the morphology of the spina mentalis. We observed 275 human adult mandibles of both sexes and ethnic groups. An analysis of the results allows the following conclusions. The spina mentalis exists in 90.04% ±1.8 of the mandibles of Whites and Negroes. The typical form with four tubercles, as described by some authors, is rarely found. In most cases it is characterized by the presence of: two upper tubercles (27.27%±7.2), two superior tubercles and one inferior (24.72%±6.7), and one elongated median tubercle (24.0%±6.6); The forms and volumes of the tubercles are very irregular and seem not to depend on age, sex or ethnic group. The spina was absent in 9.8%±3.2 of the cases, especially in mandibles of White teethless individuals. An hypertrophic spina mentalis, generally formed at the expense of the upper tubercle, was observed in only 1.45%±0.5 of the cases.
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The genetics of psoriasis and benign migratory glossitis has relationship with the major HLA. The authors reviewed the literature about the association between HLA with psoriasis and benign migratory glossitis. HLA-Cw6 presents a particularly strong association, irrespective of different racial or ethnic groups, suggesting that Cw6 itself, or a closely linked gene in strong linkage disequilibrium, is the major HLA-linked susceptibility gene for psoriasis. The white Brazilian population shows the established associations between psoriasis and the HLA antigens Cw6, B13 and B17 reported in several Caucasian populations, and shows association between benign migratory glossitis and HLA-Cw6.