Another Way of Saying Enough: Environmental Concern and Popular Mobilization in Kyrgyzstan

This article is a foray into the understudied issue of environmental protest politics in Central Asia. Specifically, it uses Kyrgyzstan as a case study to test the argument that environmental concerns mobilized people to engage in protest and in ways different from other kinds of protest. This essay presents the first systematic study of public opinion about the environment in Kyrgyzstan. It includes results from a 2009 nationwide survey, over 100 expert and elite interviews, and newspaper content analysis. Furthermore, it spatially analyzes these results to identify geographical variation in public perception and political event occurrence patterns. Protest engagement is a complex process determined by the interaction of several factors, and is not explained solely by affluence, rationality, or grievances. Eco-mobilization - collective political action about the environment - represents a class of protest events that offers a different view into mass discontent in the former Soviet Union and neo-patrimonial societies. The study finds that these political actions about the environment are not necessarily elite driven; there is a basic foundation of national concern and salience of these issues, and demonstrated environmental beliefs do help to explain protest behavior.

Self-Immolation In Tibet: Beyond The Lens Of The Western Media

This thesis provides a critique of Western media articles concerning self-immolation in Tibet. I begin by illustrating how the Western media provides reductionist accounts of Tibetan self-immolation by depicting the act solely as a form of political protest in response to Chinese occupation. I argue that these limited portrayals of self-immolation can be attributed to the Shangri-La imagery that characterizes much of the Western conceptions of Tibet. Through Shangri-La imagery, both Tibetans and their Buddhist religion are portrayed as utopic, peaceful, and able to provide the antidote to solving Western problems relating to modernization and consumerism. After illustrating the ways in which Shangri-La imagery influences Western media portrayals of Tibetan self-immolation, this thesis explores the commonly disregarded Buddhist dimensions of the act. Looking to Buddhist doctrine, scripture, and history, this thesis establishes a clear relationship between self-immolation and Buddhism, which situates the act as being more complicated than mere political protest. I argue that these limited portrayals given by the Western media are problematic because they overlook a fundamental aspect of self-immolation, thus potentially misrepresenting Tibetans. This thesis explores the Buddhist dimensions of self-immolation as a possible way to further understand what has led more than one hundred Tibetans to perform this act during the time of political crisis.

Finnish Americans and the Farm Revolt of the 1930s

Farm protest in the United States attracted widespread attention in the 1930s as militant farmers interfered with foreclosure sales, demonstrated at county court houses and state capitals, and blocked highways and stopped trains to prevent crops and livestock from going to market in an effort to raise farm prices. The best known of the protest groups was the Farmers Holiday Association, which was formed in 1932. Prior to the Holiday, however, a left-wing group organized by Communists in 1930 known as the United Farmers League (UFL) gained an initial following in the cutover country of the Upper Peninsula of Michigan, northern Wisconsin, northern Minnesota, and parts of the Dakotas and northeast Montana. Finnish Americans dominated the UFL in the Upper Midwest and in a few locales in the Dakotas. Evidence for this high level of influence comes from the fact that the head of the Communist Party’s Agrarian Department was Henry Puro, a key figure in Finnish American Communist circles and a member of the Party’s Politburo. This paper will focus on Finnish American involvement in the UFL and, to a lesser extent, the broader-based Farmers Holiday movement.

The effects of soil moisture, field-scale toposequential position, and slope on yields in irrigated upland rice fields in Flores, Comayagua, Honduras

Rice (Oryza sativa L.) is an important cash crop in Honduras because of the rice lobby’s size, willingness to protest, and ability to negotiate favorable price guarantees on a year-to-year basis. Despite the availability of inexpensive irrigation in the study area in Flores, La Villa de San Antonio, Comayagua, the rice farmers do not cultivate the crop using prescribed methods such as land leveling, puddling, and water conservation structures. Soil moisture (Volumetric Water Content) was measured using a soil moisture probe after the termination of the first irrigation within the tillering/vegetative, panicle emergence/flowering, post-flowering/pre-maturation and maturation stages. Yield data was obtained by harvesting on 1 m2 plots in each soil moisture testing site. Data was analyzed to find the influence of toposequential position along transects, slope, soil moisture, and farmers on yields. The results showed that toposequential position was more important than slope and soil moisture on yields. Soil moisture was not a significant predictor of rice yields. Irrigation politics, precipitation, and land tenure were proposed as the major explanatory variables for this result.

The Copper Strike of 1968-1969

In May of 1968, workers at the Kingston mine, a branch of the Calumet Division of Universal Oil Products walked off the site in protest of a safety issue involving a man-car. Knowing their contracts were due for negotiation in just a few months, the workers quickly returned, only to find themselves striking yet again just three months later, when negotiations failed. Requesting pay equal to that of the workers at the nearby White Pine mine was unacceptable to the heads of Universal Oil, the corporation which bought the long running Calumet & Hecla just a year earlier in 1968. The strike would last for nine months, ending in a total shutdown of all mining operations on the Keweenaw Peninsula, and bring an economic hardship to the area that would take decades to recover from. The Copper Strike of 1968-1969 is often forgotten, though extremely important to the story of the copper industry in Michigan, as well as to the United States. This paper has not yet been submitted.

The Amplifier - v. 8, no. 8

In this issue...Butte Civic Orchestra, bed protest, St. Patrick's Day mixer, Coed Club, Mickey O'Brien, baseball, chemistry, Main Hall, United States Senator, Barry Goldwater

Dada, die Toten und die Überlebenden des Ersten Weltkriegs

Dass die Erlebnisse und Erfahrungen des Ersten Weltkrieges von entscheidender Bedeutung für die Entstehung der dadaistischen Revolte waren, ist bekannt. Für die Angriffe auf die Grundlagen der Zivilisation, die den Krieg hervorgebracht hatte, bedienten sich die Dadaisten bei ihren Collage- und Montageverfahren der Versatzstücke des Alten, um es umso radikaler verwerfen zu können. Ob die Dadaisten neben ihrem Protest auch das Gedenken an die Opfer des Krieges in ihren Arbeiten thematisierten, ist Thema dieses Beitrags. Ist es vorstellbar, dass neben der ätzenden Kritik und der Beleidigung der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft eine wie auch immer geartete Form der trauernden Erinnerung an die Toten von ihnen beabsichtigt war? Sicherlich suchten sie dabei andere Formen der Trauer als das in ihren Augen nur verlogene Gedenken der herrschenden Schichten. Ausgewählt wurden für die Untersuchung einige der skandalträchtigsten und öffentlichkeitswirksamsten Ausstellungsbeiträge und Aktionen von Dada Berlin, Köln und Paris.

Kultdissenz und umstrittene «Nation»: Der Totenkult um die Kommunarden von 1871 in Paris aus vergleichender Perspektive

Mit der Anbringung einer Marmorplakette am Mur des Fédérés auf dem Pariser Friedhof Père Lachaise 1908 zum Gedenken an die Ermordeten des Communeaufstandes von 1871 endete eine seit den frühen 1880er Jah­ren konfliktbeladene Initiative zum öffentlichen Totenkult. Seine linken Verfechter stilisierten die Kommune zum Referenzpunkt für die emanzipatorisch-egalitäre Nation. Von diesem Deutungsmuster distanzierte sich der regierende 'opportunisme' allerdings energisch. Konfliktträchtig blieb auch die rituelle Praxis des Totengedenkens auf dem Père Lachaise in Form politischer Demonstrationen linker Gruppierungen, die jedoch ihrer heterogenen Struktur wegen über einen punktuellen Protest kaum hinausgelangten. So blieb der Mur des Fédérés ein umstrittener Ort des Totenkults, für seine Verteidiger Symbol einer radikal-sozialistischen Zielutopie, für seine Gegner gleichsam memoriale Bürde bei dem Versuch, die Commune aus dem Gedächtnisvorrat der französischen Nation zu verbannen. Im Vergleich mit den erfolglosen Kultversuchen um die Märztoten in Berlin seit den 1880er Jahren tritt einmal mehr zutage, dass der politisierte Totenkult programmatisch wie rituell-symbolisch als Vehikel für den Entwurf nationaler Geschichtsbilder dienen konnte.

Climate Engineering: gesellschaftliches Konfliktpotenzial und öffentliche Partizipationsmöglichkeiten

Aufbauend auf den Ergebnissen einer Literatur- und Medienanalyse wurde erstmals zum Thema Climate Engineering ein sogenanntes Gruppen-Delphi durchgeführt, um aktuelle und argumentativ fundierte Einschätzungen von Experten zu den möglichen sozialen und kulturellen Folgen von Climate Engineering, insbesondere auch in Deutschland, zu erhalten. Die Ergebnisse dieser diskursiven Form der Expertenbefragung zeigen deutlich, dass die Verfahren des Climate Engineering differenziert betrachtet und bewertet werden müssen. Auf Akzeptanzprobleme stoßen vor allem Maßnahmen, bei denen hohe Unsicherheit über die potenziellen Nebenwirkungen besteht. In der Literatur und unter den Experten besteht Einigkeit darüber, dass es bereits jetzt, in der Frühphase der Entwicklung von Climate Engineering-Strategien, notwendig sei, die Bürger über diese Technologien und Strategien aufzuklären.

Stadt und soziale Bewegungen

Großstädte sind derzeit wieder zu Orten sozialer Bewegungen geworden. Mit Slogans wie „oben bleiben“ (Stuttgart) oder „Recht auf Stadt“ (Hamburg) artikuliert sich heute auf unterschiedliche Weise ein Protest, der auf sich verändernde urbane Realitäten Bezug nimmt und dabei eine breite mediale Resonanz findet. Gleichwohl werden oft nur bestimmte Formen der Organisation und des Protests als legitime soziale Bewegungen anerkannt. Andere werden als NIMBY, Not-in-my-backyard-Intitiativen, definiert und diskreditiert oder als Riots entpolitisiert. Es ist keineswegs ausgemacht, welche Initiativen und Bewegungen sich für ein „Recht auf Stadt“ im Sinne Lefebvres und damit für Aneignung und Umverteilung einsetzen, indem sie gegen die verbreitete stadtpolitische Konzentration auf Wettbewerb und Wachstum agieren, und welche möglicherweise gerade über ihr bürgerschaftliches Engagement ein (partizipativer) Teil einer neoliberalen Governance werden.

The Use of Ships' Protests for Reconstruction of Synoptic-Scale Weather and Tropical Storm Identification in the Late Eighteenth Century

Ships’ protests have been used for centuries as legal documents to record and detail damages and indemnify Captains from fault. We use them in this article, along with data extracted through forensic synoptic analysis (McNally, 1994, 2004) to identify a tropical or subtropical system in the North Atlantic Ocean in 1785. They are shown to be viable sources of meteorological information. By comparing a damaging storm in New England in 1996, which included an offshore tropical system, with one reconstructed in 1785, we demonstrate that the tropical system identified in a ship’s protest played a significant role in the 1785 storm. With both forensic reconstruction and anecdotal evidence, we are able to assess that these storms are remarkably identical. The recurrence rate calculated in previous studies of the 1996 storm is 400–500 years. We suggest that reconstruction of additional years in the 1700s would provide the basis for a reanalysis of recurrence rates, with implications for future insurance and reinsurance rates. The application of the methodology to this new data source can also be used for extension of the hurricane database in the North Atlantic basin, and elsewhere, much further back into history than is currently available.

In Search of Political Influence: Strategic Choices and Media Coverage of Political Parties, Interest Groups and Social Movements in Western European Countries

Outside lobbying is a key strategy for social movements, interest groups and political parties for mobilising public opinion through the media in order to pressure policymakers and influence the policymaking process. Relying on semi-structured interviews and newspaper content analysis in six Western European countries, this article examines the use of four outside lobbying strategies – media-related activities, informing (about) the public, mobilisation and protest – and the amount of media coverage they attract. While some strategies are systematically less pursued than others, we find variation in their relative share across institutional contexts and actor types. Given that most of these differences are not accurately mirrored in the media, we conclude that media coverage is only loosely connected to outside lobbying behaviour, and that the media respond differently to a given strategy when used by different actors. Thus, the ability of different outside lobbying strategies to generate media coverage critically depends on who makes use of them.

Catching Reality or Bowing Disciplines: How to Move the Study of Citizenship

In his contribution, Joppke justifies his selection of foundational scholars by linking each to what he sees as the three key facets of citizenship: status, rights and identity. Maarten Vink explicitly links his research agenda to the first, status, and outlines why it is so important. In identifying three facets of citizenship, Joppke acknowledges that some academics would include political participation, but he ultimately decides against it. But here we can, and should, broaden citizenship studies by bringing in insights from the behavioral politics tradition in domestic politics - when and why people engage in political acts - and from the social movements literature in sociology. I believe that the American debate on immigration reform, admittedly stalled, would not have advanced as far as it has without the social movement activism of DREAMers - unauthorized young people pushing for a path to citizenship - and the belief that Barack Obama won re-election in part because of the Latino vote. Importantly, one type of political activism demands formal citizenship, the other does not. As many contributors note, the “national models” approach has had a significant impact on citizenship studies. Whether one views such models through a cultural, institutional or historical lens, this tends to be a top-down, macro-level framework. What about immigrants’ agency? In Canada, although the ruling Conservative government is shifting citizenship discourse to a more traditional language - as Winter points out - it has not reduced immigration, ended dual citizenship, or eliminated multiculturalism, all goals of the Reform Party that the current prime minister once helped build. “Lock-in” effects (or policy feedback loops) based on high immigrant naturalization and the coming of age of a second-generation with citizenship also d emands study, in North America and elsewhere. Much of the research thus far suggests that political decisions over citizenship status and rights do not seem linked to immigrants’ political activism. State-centered decision-making may have characterized policy in the early post-World War II period in Europe (and East Asia?), but does it continue to hold today? Majority publics and immigrant-origin residents are increasingly politicized around citizenship and immigration. Does immigrant agency extend citizenship status, rights and identity to those born outside the polity? Is electoral power key, or is protest necessary? How is citizenship practiced, and contested, irrespective of formal status? These are important and understudied empirical questions, ones that demand theoretical creativity - across sub-fields and disciplines - in conceptualizing and understanding citizenship in contemporary times.

„Als Christ, als Theologe, als Geschichtsschreiber, als Bürger kann ich diese Lehre nicht annehmen.“ Altkatholische Argumentation gegen die Dogmen des Ersten Vatikanischen Konzils

Als sich der altkatholische Protest gegen die Dogmen des Ersten Vatikanischen Konzils von 1870 formierte, brachten die Altkatholiken ganz unterschiedliche Argumente vor: Zum Teil argumentierten sie juristisch, dem Konzil habe die nötige Freiheit in Diskussion und Entscheidung gefehlt; sie griffen die Stringenz der Schrift- und Traditionsargumente der Befürwortre der Dogmen an und versuchten zu zeiten, dass Schrift und Tradition eher eine gegenteilige Ansicht favorisieren würden; aber sie argumentierten auch politisch. Der Vortrag zeichnet diese unterschiedlichen Argumentationslinien nach.