961 resultados para Night-time economy


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Includes bibliography

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Running economy (RE), defined as the energy demand for a given velocity of submaximal running, has been identified as a critical factor of overall distance running performance. Plyometric and resistance trainings, performed during a relatively short period of time (15-30 days), have been successfully used to improve RE in trained athletes. However, these exercise types, particularly when they are unaccustomed activities for the individuals, may cause delayed onset muscle soreness, swelling, and reduced muscle strength. Some studies have demonstrated that exercise-induced muscle damage has a negative impact on endurance running performance. Specifically, the muscular damage induced by an acute bout of downhill running has been shown to reduce RE during subsequent moderate and high-intensity exercise (>65% VOax). However, strength exercise (i.e., jumps, isoinertial and isokinetic eccentric exercises) seems to impair RE only for subsequent high-intensity exercise (90% VOax). Finally, a single session of resistance exercise or downhill running (i.e., repeated bout effect) attenuates changes in indirect markers of muscle damage and blunts changes in RE. © 2013 Cláudio de Oliveira Assumpção et al.

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The sugarcane mechanized planting is becoming increasingly widespread in Brazil due to a higher operability and better working conditions offered to workers compared to other types of planting. Studies related to this topic are insufficient or scarce in Brazil. In this context, the aim of this study was to evaluate the operation quality of sugarcane mechanized planting in two operation shifts, by means of statistical process control. The mechanized planting was held on March 2012 and statistical design was completely randomized with two treatments, totaling 40 replications for the day shift and 40 replications for the night shift. The variables evaluated were: speed, engine rotation, engine oil pressure, water temperature of the engine, effective field capacity and the time consumption hourly and effective fuel. The use of statistical control charts showed that random intrinsic do not cause this process. The tractor alignment error showed outliers in the day and night shifts operations, indicating a possible delay in receiving the signal. The water temperature of the engine and the effective fuel consumption showed lower variability in nighttime operation with average values of 81°C and 22.66 L ha-1, respectively. The hourly fuel consumption had greater variability and consequently lower quality during the night of the operation, with an average consumption of 25.46 L h-1 while the day shift showed 26.86 L h-1.

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Document prepared on the occasion of the visit of President Barack Obama to Brazil, Chile and El Salvador in March 2011

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Much analysis and proposals on sustainable transport policies have been developed around the world, both at government and research institutions. It is clear that no action will provide the single solution and it is imperative to act simultaneously on: i) improvement of technology in vehicles, leading to increased energy efficiency; ii) the change in driver behavior, to use less fuel per kilometer; iii) reducing the distances traveled per vehicle; and iv) a change in the type of travels towards more sustainable modes of transport.In general, the recommendations for energy efficiency in transport are mainly focused on the first two priorities on the list, while the portfolios of policies —instrumental to the needs of the countries— should use trans-sectoral and multi-dimensional approaches, such as public transport planning and land use. In ECLAC, we consider that the time has come to provide Latin American and Caribbean countries with a deeper understanding and a more strategic vision (and adapted to the realities of the region) on these issues; in this sense, we hope that this document will help countries to improve and further expand their portfolios of energy efficiency policies in the transport sector, in order to achieve the ambitious goals of energy efficiency, needed to ensure a sustainable energy future.

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The findings and analysis of this study are based on desk review and secondary data to substantiate this growing phenomenon, especially among the female population. Further the recommendations that will be put forward in this study will be added to the literature and serve as a baseline for further study in the Caribbean region. The study is sectionalized as follows. Chapter one discusses in brief the demographics, social and economic profiles of Barbados, Dominica, Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago. This chapter also examines the employment rate, gender and poverty, and the achievements and progress of member states as it relates to the MDGs especially goal number 3. Men are more likely to be employed in the formal sector than women, and earn higher wages and salaries in the labour market despite the fact women may have obtained tertiary level education. The literature showed that women are at home spending more time on child care and other household related responsibilities but this can still be considered employment. This chapter also addresses the achievements and progress of member states as it relates to the MDGs especially Goal 3. Chapter 2 identifies the literature review of related subjects for this study. Chapter 3 discusses the categories and type of labour activities in the informal economies in the Caribbean Region, for example, paid and unpaid work, time use, women working and their caring, responsibilities for their relatives, domestic workers being undervalued and under paid, street and market vendors, micro-enterprises the services sector and commercial sex workers. Chapter 4 examines the importance of social protection for those employed in the informal labour market and the self employed. Chapter 5 provides a preliminary analysis of the findings from this study. Chapter 6 details the preliminary conclusions and recommendations.

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This article is the short but crucial history of four years of transition in a monetary and exchange-rate regime that culminated in 1933 with the final abandonment of the gold standard in Argentina. That process involved decisions made at critical junctures at which the government authorities had little time to deliberate and against which they had no analytical arsenal, no technical certainties and few political convictions. The objective of this study is to analyse those “decisions” at seven milestone moments, from the external shock of 1929 to the submission to Congress of a bill for the creation of the central bank and a currency control regime characterized by multiple exchange rates. The new regime that this reordering of the Argentine economy implied would remain in place, in one form or another, for at least a quarter of a century.

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

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Objective: To investigate the relationship between working at night and increased body weight in nursing. In addition, we evaluated the differences in the proportion of variables sociodemographic, work and health, according to the work shift and their association with body mass index. Methods: Based on questionnaires, we obtained data from 446 nursing professionals about aspects of their job, health and lifestyle. We performed linear and logistic regression analysis. Results: Working at night is associated with a weight gain greater than (beta=0.24 kg/m(2)) working during the day (beta=0.15 kg/m(2)), as well as with aging (beta=0.16 kg/m(2)) and duration of working in nursing (beta=0.18 kg/m(2)). Night workers have a higher educational level, have been working for more years in nursing and also in the current shift, do not have diabetes and have reported longer sleep than day workers. There are also a higher number of smokers among the night workers than day workers. Logistic regression analysis also showed the more time to work in nursing and as an assistant was more likely to develop overweight/obesity. Conclusion: Working at the night contributes to more weight gain than the day shift, aging and duration of working in nursing.

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Bertuzzi, R, Bueno, S, Pasqua, LA, Acquesta, FM, Batista, MB, Roschel, H, Kiss, MAPDM, Serrao, JC, Tricoli, V, and Ugrinowitsch, C. Bioenergetics and neuromuscular determinants of the time to exhaustion at velocity corresponding to (V) over dotO(2)max in recreational long-distance runners. J Strength Cond Res 26(8): 2096-2102, 2012-The purpose of this study was to investigate the main bioenergetics and neuromuscular determinants of the time to exhaustion (T-lim) at the velocity corresponding to maximal oxygen uptake in recreational long-distance runners. Twenty runners performed the following tests on 5 different days: (a) maximal incremental treadmill test, (b) 2 submaximal tests to determine running economy and vertical stiffness, (c) exhaustive test to measured the T-lim, (d) maximum dynamic strength test, and (e) muscle power production test. Aerobic and anaerobic energy contributions during the T-lim test were also estimated. The stepwise multiple regression method selected 3 independent variables to explain T-lim variance. Total energy production explained 84.1% of the shared variance (p = 0.001), whereas peak oxygen uptake ((V) over dotO(2)peak) measured during T-lim and lower limb muscle power ability accounted for the additional 10% of the shared variance (p = 0.014). These data suggest that the total energy production, (V) over dotO(2)peak, and lower limb muscle power ability are the main physiological and neuromuscular determinants of T-lim in recreational long-distance runners.

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Recently, a rising interest in political and economic integration/disintegration issues has been developed in the political economy field. This growing strand of literature partly draws on traditional issues of fiscal federalism and optimum public good provision and focuses on a trade-off between the benefits of centralization, arising from economies of scale or externalities, and the costs of harmonizing policies as a consequence of the increased heterogeneity of individual preferences in an international union or in a country composed of at least two regions. This thesis stems from this strand of literature and aims to shed some light on two highly relevant aspects of the political economy of European integration. The first concerns the role of public opinion in the integration process; more precisely, how economic benefits and costs of integration shape citizens' support for European Union (EU) membership. The second is the allocation of policy competences among different levels of government: European, national and regional. Chapter 1 introduces the topics developed in this thesis by reviewing the main recent theoretical developments in the political economy analysis of integration processes. It is structured as follows. First, it briefly surveys a few relevant articles on economic theories of integration and disintegration processes (Alesina and Spolaore 1997, Bolton and Roland 1997, Alesina et al. 2000, Casella and Feinstein 2002) and discusses their relevance for the study of the impact of economic benefits and costs on public opinion attitude towards the EU. Subsequently, it explores the links existing between such political economy literature and theories of fiscal federalism, especially with regard to normative considerations concerning the optimal allocation of competences in a union. Chapter 2 firstly proposes a model of citizens’ support for membership of international unions, with explicit reference to the EU; subsequently it tests the model on a panel of EU countries. What are the factors that influence public opinion support for the European Union (EU)? In international relations theory, the idea that citizens' support for the EU depends on material benefits deriving from integration, i.e. whether European integration makes individuals economically better off (utilitarian support), has been common since the 1970s, but has never been the subject of a formal treatment (Hix 2005). A small number of studies in the 1990s have investigated econometrically the link between national economic performance and mass support for European integration (Eichenberg and Dalton 1993; Anderson and Kalthenthaler 1996), but only making informal assumptions. The main aim of Chapter 2 is thus to propose and test our model with a view to providing a more complete and theoretically grounded picture of public support for the EU. Following theories of utilitarian support, we assume that citizens are in favour of membership if they receive economic benefits from it. To develop this idea, we propose a simple political economic model drawing on the recent economic literature on integration and disintegration processes. The basic element is the existence of a trade-off between the benefits of centralisation and the costs of harmonising policies in presence of heterogeneous preferences among countries. The approach we follow is that of the recent literature on the political economy of international unions and the unification or break-up of nations (Bolton and Roland 1997, Alesina and Wacziarg 1999, Alesina et al. 2001, 2005a, to mention only the relevant). The general perspective is that unification provides returns to scale in the provision of public goods, but reduces each member state’s ability to determine its most favoured bundle of public goods. In the simple model presented in Chapter 2, support for membership of the union is increasing in the union’s average income and in the loss of efficiency stemming from being outside the union, and decreasing in a country’s average income, while increasing heterogeneity of preferences among countries points to a reduced scope of the union. Afterwards we empirically test the model with data on the EU; more precisely, we perform an econometric analysis employing a panel of member countries over time. The second part of Chapter 2 thus tries to answer the following question: does public opinion support for the EU really depend on economic factors? The findings are broadly consistent with our theoretical expectations: the conditions of the national economy, differences in income among member states and heterogeneity of preferences shape citizens’ attitude towards their country’s membership of the EU. Consequently, this analysis offers some interesting policy implications for the present debate about ratification of the European Constitution and, more generally, about how the EU could act in order to gain more support from the European public. Citizens in many member states are called to express their opinion in national referenda, which may well end up in rejection of the Constitution, as recently happened in France and the Netherlands, triggering a European-wide political crisis. These events show that nowadays understanding public attitude towards the EU is not only of academic interest, but has a strong relevance for policy-making too. Chapter 3 empirically investigates the link between European integration and regional autonomy in Italy. Over the last few decades, the double tendency towards supranationalism and regional autonomy, which has characterised some European States, has taken a very interesting form in this country, because Italy, besides being one of the founding members of the EU, also implemented a process of decentralisation during the 1970s, further strengthened by a constitutional reform in 2001. Moreover, the issue of the allocation of competences among the EU, the Member States and the regions is now especially topical. The process leading to the drafting of European Constitution (even if then it has not come into force) has attracted much attention from a constitutional political economy perspective both on a normative and positive point of view (Breuss and Eller 2004, Mueller 2005). The Italian parliament has recently passed a new thorough constitutional reform, still to be approved by citizens in a referendum, which includes, among other things, the so called “devolution”, i.e. granting the regions exclusive competence in public health care, education and local police. Following and extending the methodology proposed in a recent influential article by Alesina et al. (2005b), which only concentrated on the EU activity (treaties, legislation, and European Court of Justice’s rulings), we develop a set of quantitative indicators measuring the intensity of the legislative activity of the Italian State, the EU and the Italian regions from 1973 to 2005 in a large number of policy categories. By doing so, we seek to answer the following broad questions. Are European and regional legislations substitutes for state laws? To what extent are the competences attributed by the European treaties or the Italian Constitution actually exerted in the various policy areas? Is their exertion consistent with the normative recommendations from the economic literature about their optimum allocation among different levels of government? The main results show that, first, there seems to be a certain substitutability between EU and national legislations (even if not a very strong one), but not between regional and national ones. Second, the EU concentrates its legislative activity mainly in international trade and agriculture, whilst social policy is where the regions and the State (which is also the main actor in foreign policy) are more active. Third, at least two levels of government (in some cases all of them) are significantly involved in the legislative activity in many sectors, even where the rationale for that is, at best, very questionable, indicating that they actually share a larger number of policy tasks than that suggested by the economic theory. It appears therefore that an excessive number of competences are actually shared among different levels of government. From an economic perspective, it may well be recommended that some competences be shared, but only when the balance between scale or spillover effects and heterogeneity of preferences suggests so. When, on the contrary, too many levels of government are involved in a certain policy area, the distinction between their different responsibilities easily becomes unnecessarily blurred. This may not only leads to a slower and inefficient policy-making process, but also risks to make it too complicate to understand for citizens, who, on the contrary, should be able to know who is really responsible for a certain policy when they vote in national,local or European elections or in referenda on national or European constitutional issues.