991 resultados para MIDDLE AGES
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Archaeological finds from Schnidejoch (2756 m a.s.l.) and Lötschenpass (2690 m a.s.l.) cover the periods from the Early Neolithic to the Middle Ages (4800 BC - 1000 AD). The numerous finds from Schnidejoch discovered since 2003 can now be seen in relationship with Neolithic and Bronze Age settlements in the Rhone valley and together with the early use of alpine meadows and early transhumance. Finds of Early Bronze Age bows from Lötschenpass go back to the 1930ies. New finds of wooden objects and objects made from birch bark melted out from the ice in the summer of 2011. The lecture presents these new finds and an actualized view of Schnidejoch finds.
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Changes in fire occurrence during the last decades in the southern Swiss Alps make knowledge on fire history essential to understand future evolution of the ecosystem composition and functioning. In this context, palaeoecology provides useful insights into processes operating at decadal-to-millennial time scales, such as the response of plant communities to intensified fire disturbances during periods of cultural change. We provide a high-resolution macroscopic charcoal and pollen series from Guèr, a well-dated peat sequence at mid-elevation (832 m.a.s.l.) in southern Switzerland, where the presence of local settlements is documented since the late Bronze Age and the Iron Age. Quantitative fire reconstruction shows that fire activity sharply increased from the Neolithic period (1–3 episodes/1000 year) to the late Bronze and Iron Age (7–9 episodes/1000 year), leading to extensive clearance of the former mixed deciduous forest (Alnus glutinosa, Betula, deciduous Quercus). The increase in anthropogenic pollen indicators (e.g. Cerealia-type, Plantago lanceolata) together with macroscopic charcoal suggests anthropogenic rather than climatic forcing as the main cause of the observed vegetation shift. Fire and controlled burning were extensively used during the late Roman Times and early Middle Ages to promote the introduction and establishment of chestnut (Castanea sativa) stands, which provided an important wood and food supply. Fire occurrence declined markedly (from 9 to 5–6 episodes/1000 year) during late Middle Ages because of fire suppression, biomass removal by human population, and landscape fragmentation. Land-abandonment during the last decades allowed forest to partly re-expand (mainly Alnus glutinosa, Betula) and fire frequency to increase.
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by Sir George Adam Smith ... ; planned by ... Israel Abrahams and ed. by Edwyn R. Bevan ... With an introduction by the master of Balliol
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The heat of summer 2003 in Western and Central Europe was claimed to be unprecedented since the Middle Ages on the basis of grape harvest data (GHD) and late wood maximum density (MXD) data from trees in the Alps. This paper shows that the authors of these studies overlooked the fact that the heat and drought in Switzerland in 1540 likely exceeded the amplitude of the previous hottest summer of 2003, because the persistent temperature and precipitation anomaly in that year, described in an abundant and coherent body of documentary evidence, severely affected the reliability of GHD and tree-rings as proxy-indicators for temperature estimates. Spring–summer (AMJJ) temperature anomalies of 4.7 °C to 6.8 °C being significantly higher than in 2003 were assessed for 1540 from a new long Swiss GHD series (1444 to 2011). During the climax of the heat wave in early August the grapes desiccated on the vine, which caused many vine-growers to interrupt or postpone the harvest despite full grape maturity until after the next spell of rain. Likewise, the leaves of many trees withered and fell to the ground under extreme drought stress as would usually be expected in late autumn. It remains to be determined by further research whether and how far this result obtained from local analyses can be spatially extrapolated. Based on the temperature estimates for Switzerland it is assumed from a great number of coherent qualitative documentary evidence about the outstanding heat drought in 1540 that AMJJ temperatures were likely more extreme in neighbouring regions of Western and Central Europe than in 2003. Considering the significance of soil moisture deficits for record breaking heat waves, these results still need to be validated with estimated seasonal precipitation. It is concluded that biological proxy data may not properly reveal record breaking heat and drought events. Such assessments thus need to be complemented with the critical study of contemporary evidence from documentary sources which provide coherent and detailed data about weather extremes and related impacts on human, ecological and social systems.
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Modern period long-term human and climatic impacts on a small mire in the Jura Mountains were assessed using testate amoebae, macrofossils and pollen. This multiproxy data analysis permitted detailed interpretations of local and regional environmental change and thus a partial disentanglement of the different variables that influence long-term mire development. From the Middle Ages until a.d. 1700 the mire vegetation was characterised by ferns, Caltha and Vaccinium, but then abruptly changed into the modern vegetation characterised by Cyperaceae, Potentilla and Sphagnum. The cause for this change was most probably deforestation, possibly enhanced by climatic cooling. A decrease in trampling intensity by domestic animals from a.d. 1950 onwards allowed Sphagnum growth and climatic warming in the a.d. 1980s and 1990s may have been responsible for considerable changes in the species composition. The mire investigated is an example of the rapid changes in mire vegetation and peat development that occurred throughout the central European mountain region during the past centuries as a result of changing climate and land-use practice. These processes are still active today and will determine the future development of high-altitude mires.
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Pollen and plant macrofossils were analysed at Sägistalsee (1935 m asl), a small lake near timber-line in the Swiss Northern Alps. Open forests with Pinus cembra and Abies alba covered the catchment during the early Holocene (9000–6300 cal. BP), suggesting subcontinental climate conditions. After the expansion of Picea abies between 6300 and 6000 cal. BP the subalpine forest became denser and the tree-line reached its maximum elevation at around 2260 m asl. Charcoal fragments in the macrofossil record indicate the beginning of Late-Neolithic human impact at ca. 4400 cal. BP, followed by a extensive deforestation and lowering of the forest-limit in the catchment of Sägistalsee at 3700 cal. BP (Bronze Age). Continuous human activity, combined with a more oceanic climate during the later Holocene, led to the local extinction of Pinus cembra and Abies alba and favoured the mass expansion of Picea and Alnus viridis in the subalpine area of the Northern Alps. The periods before 6300 and after 3700 cal. BP are characterised by high erosion activity in the lake's catchment, whereas during the phase of dense Picea-Pinus cembra-Abies forests (6300–3700 cal. BP) soils were stable and sediment-accumulation rates in the lake were low. Due to decreasing land-use at higher altitudes during the Roman occupation and the Migration period, forests spread beween ca. 2000 and 1500 cal. BP, before human impact increased again in the early Middle Ages. Recent reforestation due to land-use changes in the 20th century is recorded in the top sediments. Pollen-inferred July temperature and annual precipitation suggest a trend to cooler and more oceanic climate starting at about 5500 cal. BP.
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Main questions: 1. How to deal with the beginnings of theatre? 2. Do we have to consider a “second birth of theatre” in the Middle Ages? 3. What influences do media have on writing theatre histories?
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Colorimetric measurements of alkaline extracts from two Swiss peat cores have provided a complete 14500-year-long record of peat humification, a proxy of effective precipitation. Peat from the cold Younger Dryas (11050–9550 cal. bc) was well preserved despite low levels of precipitation. A particularly dry period, peaking at c. 7100 cal. bc, is indicated by well-decomposed peat. Peat from c. 6750–4250 cal. bc shows a low degree of decomposition, indicating a wet bog surface despite relatively warm temperatures and therefore indicating high levels of precipitation. A sharp transition to higher levels of decomposition c. 4450–3750 cal. bc indicates a major transition to a drier bog surface. Subsequently, peat humification generally decreases towards the end of the deeper profile (c. cal. ad 1050), indicating a gradual return to wetter conditions. This gradual decrease is punctuated by periods of particularly low humification which appear to be due to shifts to higher levels of effective precipitation from c. 2500 to 1350 cal. bc, c. 1050 to 550 cal. bc, centered around 150 cal. bc, and from c. cal. ad 550 onwards. Anthropogenic influences appear to have affected peat humification at the site at least since the Middle Ages. This study indicates that humification in colder regions/time periods could be more affected by temperature than precipitation and vice versa.
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Der narrative Entwurf von Boccaccios ›Decameron‹ und Boccaccios theoretische Reflexionen über das Erzählen stehen klar im Fluchtpunkt der horazischen Lehre des prodesse et delectare. Vor diesem Horizont entwickelt Boccaccio sein Konzept des novellare, das einerseits ein ‚Wiedererzählen’ (analog zu mhd. erniuwen) beinhaltet und andererseits zu einer neuen Autonomie des Erzählens vorstößt. Beobachten lässt sich dieser Vorgang des Erneuerns weniger in Boccaccios theoretischen Ausführungen (etwa im Schlusswort des ›Decameron‹ oder in den ›Genealogie deorum gentilium‹) als in seiner dichterischen Praxis. Als Schlüsseltext wird im Vortrag die Novelle von der duldsamen Griselda herangezogen, die das ›Decameron‹ beschließt und die mit den Worten una bella roba endet. Das ‚schöne Kleid’ ist einerseits traditionelle Dichtungsmetapher (im Horizont des investire bzw. integumentum), andererseits intradiegetischer Bestandteil des Erzähl-‚Stoffs’ der Novelle. Bei Boccaccio dürfte das Gewand der Griselda, zusammen mit deren wiederholt thematisierter Nacktheit, dazu dienen, eine in die Novelle verpackte stoische Lehre zu vergegenwärtigen, diese in eine Erzählung ‚einzukleiden’. Das Kleid der Griselda wird so zur ‚Pathosformel’ (in der Begrifflichkeit A. Warburgs) bzw. zum ‚Faltenwurf’ (in der Begrifflichkeit G. Didi-Hubermans), mithin zur Verkörperung eines ‚neuen Erzählens’, das sich (im Gegensatz etwa zu Dante) von metaphysischen Entwürfen emanzipiert und in der Autonomie sprachlicher Kunstfertigkeit, bis an die Grenzen des Erzählbaren gehend und didaktische Ansprüche überwindend, die Möglichkeiten literarischer Darstellung ausreizt. Von den Zeitgenossen wurde dieses Experiment zwar wahrgenommen, in seinen Dimensionen aber nur ansatzweise erkannt. Symptomatisch für diese Form der Rezeption ist Petrarcas lateinische Übersetzung der ›Griselda‹-Novelle (›Seniles‹, XVII,3), wobei der Verfasser – seinerseits die Kleidermetaphorik bemühend – das Übersetzen als ein stilo alio retexere auffasst und seine Version den (wohl vorwiegend männlich intendierten Lesern) als auf Gott hin orientierte Lehre anempfiehlt: ut legentes ad imitandam saltem femine constantiam excitarem, ut [...] hoc prestare Deo nostro audeant. Diese Rückführung von Boccaccios erzählerischem Wagnis ins Didaktische zeigt sich auch in der Rezeption von Petrarcas Übersetzung, durch welche die Novelle im Europa des 14. und 15. Jahrhunderts weite Verbreitung fand: In einer der Haupthandschriften von Chaucers ›Canterbury Tales‹, dem Hengwrt Manuscript (Aberystwyth, National Library of Wales), wird die auf der ›Griselda‹-Novelle aufbauende Erzählung des Scholaren (›The Clerk’s Tale‹) mit Bestandteilen aus Petrarcas Übersetzung glossiert; in einer Handschrift aus dem Besitz des Nürnberger Humanisten Hartmann Schedel (München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 504) wird Petrarcas Konzept des stilo alio retexere erläutert als: claram facere, nudare [...], aperire, wobei hier die in Boccaccios Novelle intradiegetisch enthaltene Spannung von ‚Einkleidung’ und ‚Nacktheit’ auf einer lehrhaften Ebene fortwirkt.
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It is a well-documented fact that the Middle Ages have had a long history of instrumentalisation by nationalisms. 19th-century Eu¬rope in particular witnessed an origins craze during the process of nation-building. In the post-Shoah, post-modern West, on the other hand, we might expect this kind of medievalist master nar¬rative to have been consigned to the dustbin of history. And yet, as nationalism surges again in Europe, negotiations of national identi¬ties in medieval dress seem to have become fashionable once more. In order to come to terms with the fragmented and often contradictory presence of the Middle Ages in these discourses of national identity, I propose we consider medievalism a utilitarian product of the cultural memory. Rather than representing any ‘real’ Middle Ages, then, medievalism tailors available knowledge of the medieval past to the diverse social needs and ideologies of the present. This paper looks at a selection of Scottish examples of present-day medievalism in an attempt to investigate, in particular, the place of the medieval Wars of Scottish Independence in contemporary negotiations of ‘Scottishness’. Both the relationships envisioned between self and other and the role played by ‘the land’ in these cultural, social and political instances of national introspection offer starting points for critical inquiry. Moreover, the analysis of a scholarly intervention in the run-up to the 2014 Scottish independence referendum indicates an intriguing dialogue of academic and non-academic voices in the context of Scottish medievalist cultural memory. We thus find a wide array of uses of the Scottish Middle Ages, some of which feed into the burgeoning nationalism of recent years, while others offer more pensive and ambivalent answers to the question of what it means to be Scottish in the 21st century.
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The palynostratigraphy of two sediment cores from Soppensee, Central Switzerland (596 m asl) was correlated with nine regional pollen assemblage zones defined for the Swiss Plateau. This biostratigraphy shows that the sedimentary record of Soppensee includes the last 15 000 years, i.e. the entire Late-glacial and Holocene environmental history. The vegetation history of the Soppensee catchment was inferred by pollen and plant-macrofossil analyses on three different cores taken in the deepest part of the lake basin (27 m). On the basis of a high-resolution varve and calibrated radiocarbonchronology it was possible to estimate pollen accumulation rates, which together with the pollen percentage data, formed the basis for the interpretation of the past vegetation dynamics. The basal sediment dates back to the last glacial. After reforestation with juniper and birch at ca. 12 700 B.P., the vegetation changed at around 12 000 B.P. to a pine-birch woodland and at the onset of the Holocene to a mixed deciduous forest. At ca. 7000 B.P., fir expanded and dominated the vegetation with beech becoming predominant at ca. 50014C-years later until sometime during the Iron Age. Large-scale deforestation, especially during the Middle Ages, altered the vegetation cover drastically. During the Late-glacial period two distinct regressive phases in vegetation development are demonstrated, namely, the Aegelsee oscillation (equivalent to the Older Dryas biozone) and the Younger Dryas biozone. No unambiguous evidence for Holocene climatic change was detected at Soppensee. Human presence is indicated by early cereal pollen and distinct pulses of forest clearance as a result of human activity can be observed from the Neolithic period onwards.
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The upper Holocene marine section from a kasten core taken from the oxygen minimum zone off Karachi (Pakistan) at water depth 700 m contains continuously laminated sediments with a sedimentation rate of 1.2 mm/yr and a unique record of monsoonal climatic variability covering the past 5000 years. Our chronostratigraphy is based on varve counts verified by conventional and AMS14C dating. Individual hemipelagic varve couplets are about 0.8-1.5 mm thick, with light-colored terrigenous laminae (A) deposited mainly during the winter monsoon alternating with dark-colored laminae (B) rich in marine organic matter, coccoliths, and fish debris that reflect deposition during the high-productivity season of the late summer monsoon (August-October). Precipitation and river runoff appear to control varve thickness and turbidite frequency. We infer that precipitation decreased in the river watershed (indicated by thinning varves) after 3500-4000 yr B.P. This is about the time of increasing aridification in the Near East and Middle East, as documented by decreasing Nile River runoff data and lake-level lowstands between Turkey and northwestern India. This precipitation pattern continued until today with precipitation minima about 2200-1900 yr B.P., 1000 yr B.P., and in the late Middle Ages (700-400 yr B.P.), and precipitation maxima in the intervening periods. As documented by spectral analysis, the thickness of varve couplets responds to the average length of a 250-yr cycle, a 125-yr cycle, the Gleissberg cycle of solar activity (95 yr), and a 56-yr cycle of unknown origin. Higher frequency cycles are also present at 45, 39, 29-31, and 14 yr. The sedimentary gray-value also shows strong variability in the 55-yr band plus a 31-yr cycle. Because high-frequency cyclicity in the ENSO band (ca. 3.5 and 5 yr) is only weakly expressed, our data do not support a straightforward interaction of the Pacific ENSO with the monsoon-driven climate system of the Arabian Sea.
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Lake La Thuile, in the Northern French Prealps (874 m a.s.l.), provides an 18 m long sedimentary sequence spanning the entire Lateglacial/Holocene period. The high resolution multi-proxy (sedimentological, palynological, geochemical) analysis of the uppermost 6.2 meters reveals the Holocene dynamics of erosion in the catchment in response to landscape modifications. The mountain belt is at relevant altitude to study past human activities and the watershed is sufficiently disconnected from large valleys to capture a local sedimentary signal. From 12,000 to 10,000 cal. BP (10 to 8 ka cal. BC), the onset of hardwood species triggered a drop in erosion following the Lateglacial/Holocene transition. From 10,000 to 4500 cal. BP (8 to 2.5 ka cal. BC), the forest became denser and favored slope stabilization while erosion processes were very weak. A first erosive phase was initiated at ca . 4500 cal. BP without evidence of human presence in the catchment. Then, the forest declined at approximately 3000 cal. BP, suggesting the first human influence on the landscape. Two other erosive phases are related to anthropic activities: approximately 2500 cal. BP (550 cal. BC) during the Roman period and after 1600 cal. BP (350 cal. AD) with a substantial accentuation in the Middle Ages. In contrast, the lower erosion produced during the Little Ice Age, when climate deteriorations are generally considered to result in an increased erosion signal in this region, suggests that anthropic activities dominated the erosive processes and completely masked the natural effects of climate on erosion in the late Holocene.