1000 resultados para Liberty Revolution


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This paper argues that trade specialization played an indispensable role in supporting the Industrial Revolution. We calibrate a two-good and two-sector overlapping generations model to Englandís historical development and investigate how much different Englandís development path would have been if it had not globalized in 1840. The open-economy model is able to closely match the data, but the closed-economy model cannot explain the fall in the value of land relative to wages observed in the 19th century. Without globalization, the transition period in the British economy would be considerably longer than that observed in the data and key variables, such as the share of labor force in agriculture, would have converged to Ögures very distant from the actual ones.

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This paper distinguishes three types of countries (rich, middle-income, and pre-industrial) and discusses the problems of state capability and the quality of democracy in the later, which include the poor countries. A consolidate democracy supposes that the country has realized its capitalist revolution and counts with a relatively capable state. The challenge of pre-industrial countries is to build their nation and a reasonably capable state, and to make their national and industrial revolution. The democratic state will be its main instrument to achieve the five political objectives that modern societies defined historically: security, individual liberty, economic well-being, social justice, and protection of the environment. Given the demand of the people and the pressure of rich countries since the 1980s, this state will have to be democratic, but, historically, all industrial revolutions were the outcome of a developmental strategy, and none of them were accomplished in the realm of democracy. This is the main contradiction and the main challenge faced by populist leaders who try to develop their countries, having as adversaries the local liberal oligarchy and the rich countries or the West. They must build a capable state, but their poorly organized societies do not help. They must give priority to economic growth, but the people ask for more social services. Thus, to govern these countries is extremely difficult.

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In 1824 the creation of institutions that constrained the monarch’s ability to unilaterally tax, spend, and debase the currency put Brazil on a path toward a revolution in public finance, roughly analogous to the financial consequences of England’s Glorious Revolution. This credible commitment to honor sovereign debt resulted in successful long-term funded borrowing at home and abroad from the 1820s through the 1880s that was unrivalled in Latin America. Some domestic bonds, denominated in the home currency and bearing exchange clauses, eventually circulated in European financial markets. The share of total debt accounted for by long-term funded issues grew, and domestic debt came to dominate foreign debt. Sovereign debt yields fell over time in London and Rio de Janeiro, and the cost of new borrowing declined on average. The market’s assessment of the probability of default tended to decrease. Imperial Brazil enjoyed favorable conditions for borrowing, and escaped the strong form of “original sin” stressed by recent work on sovereign debt. The development of vibrant private financial markets did not, however, follow from the enhanced credibility of government debt. Private finance in Imperial Brazil suffered from politicized market interventions that undermined the development of domestic capital markets. Private interest rates remained high, entry into commercial banking was heavily restricted, and limited-liability joint-stock companies were tightly controlled. The Brazilian case provides a powerful counterexample to the general proposition of North and Weingast that institutional changes that credibly commit the government to honor its obligations necessarily promote the development of private finance. The very institutions that enhanced the credibility of sovereign debt permitted the systematic repression of private financial development. In terms of its consequences for domestic capital markets, the liberal Constitution of 1824 represented an “inglorious” revolution.

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In the last decades of the 1901 century the Mexican society went through a period of political and economical stability, and relative social tranquility. on contrast, during the revolutionary context various armed movements promoted the disruption of this status quo. In this article, by the analysis of several testimonies, I intend to show some aspects regarding criminality and violence phenomena, during the 1910 and 1920 years on the Northern Mexico.

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Through the analysis of Mexican livestock statistics and Sonora and Chihuahua regional census, this work discusses the condition of livestock farming in Northern Mexico during the first decades of the twentieth century, specially after the Revolution. There is no doubt that during this period, the absolute number of livestock heads diminished throughout Mexico, but "estate depredations" did vary geographically. In Nortehrn Mexico, livestock farming suffered more in Chihuahua than in Sonora, and herd recovery was also faster in Sonora. This analysis also allows us to underscore the role of postrevolutionary elites in rebuilding regional economies during the 1920's.

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This article sets out to examine Antonio Gramsci's use of the concept of passive revolution and thereby 'translate' it to an alternative historical and contemporary context. If we can observe Gramsci as a 'translator' of Lenin, from Russia to Italy, we can also try to 'translate' Gramsci beyond his original circumstances to alternative conditions, hence the aim of translating Gramsci and his category of passive revolution in order to apprehend some aspects of the particularity of bourgeois revolution in Brazil. The thesis is that the theory and condition of passive revolution in Brazil has unfolded as a hybridism of liberal corporatism, which reveals the slow assumption of bourgeois rule as a form of supremacy. Importantly, the role of the military in this long process is also highlighted. © The Author(s) 2012.

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Includes bibliography

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Includes bibliography

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Ticks are hematophagous ectoparasites which can transmit several diseases to the host during their feeding process. When ticks mechanically damage the tissue, they eventually induce inflammatory responses on the skin spot where they are fixed. One of the alternatives to control these ectoparasites is the use of chemical substances like selamectin - the active principle of Pfizer's antiparasitic Revolution® - a macrocyclic lactone capable of doing neurotoxic damage to the tick and eventually eliminating infestation in dogs and cats. The purpose of this study was to analyze, using histological and histochemical techniques, the occurrence of morphophysiological alterations in the skin of the host rabbits exposed to selamectin and infested with Rhipicephalus sanguineus (Acari: Ixodidae). Histologically, the exposed and infested rabbits showed a partial and/or total decrease in the stratum corneum and the epithelium decreased in the number of cell layers, consequently reducing the stratification (thinning) and quite pronounced formations of sub-epidermal edemas with consequent disorganization of collagen fibers in the dermal layer's connective tissue. Histochemical tests showed strong periodic acid-Schiff-positive reaction in the hair follicle and some regions of the dermis, besides resynthesis of collagen fibers detected by Mallory's trichrome technique. The obtained results showed that selamectin acts like a toxicant agent when in contact with the skin of the rabbit infested with ticks, inducing morphophysiological alterations in the acute inflammatory process in the animal's tegument. Selamectin is a chemical substance which has a dose-dependent action since higher concentrations cause greater morphophysiological damage in the skin of rabbits. © 2013 Springer-Verlag Berlin Heidelberg.

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Includes bibliography

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The new digital technologies have led to widespread use of cloud computing, recognition of the potential of big data analytics, and significant progress in aspects of the Internet of Things, such as home automation, smart cities and grids and digital manufacturing. In addition to closing gaps in respect of the basic necessities of access and usage, now the conditions must be established for using the new platforms and finding ways to participate actively in the creation of content and even new applications and platforms. This message runs through the three chapters of this book. Chapter I presents the main features of the digital revolution, emphasizing that today’s world economy is a digital economy. Chapter II examines the region’s strengths and weaknesses with respect to digital access and consumption. Chapter III reviews the main policy debates and urges countries to take a more proactive approach towards, for example, regulation, network neutrality and combating cybercrime. The conclusion highlights two crucial elements: first, the need to take steps towards a single regional digital market that can compete in a world of global platforms by tapping the benefits of economies of scale and developing network economies; and second, the significance of the next stage of the digital agenda for Latin America and the Caribbean (eLAC2018), which will embody the latest updates to a cooperation strategy that has been in place for over a decade.