Citizenship in the discourse of Egyptian political parties. EUSpring Working Paper No. 6, June 2015 [also Citizenship Report no. 3]

The concept of citizenship is one of the most complicated in political and social sciences. Its long process of historical development makes dealing with it particularly complicated. Citizenship is by nature a multi-dimensional concept: there is a legal citizenship, referring first to the equal legal status of individuals, for instance the equality between men and women. Legal citizenship also refers to a political dimension, the right to start and/or join political parties, or political participation more broadly. Thirdly, it has a religious dimension relating to the right of all religious groups to equally and freely practice their religious customs and rituals. Finally, legal citizenship possesses a socio-economic dimension related to the non-marginalisation of different social categories, for instance women. All of these dimensions, far from being purely objects of legal texts and codifications, are emerging as an arena of political struggle within the Egyptian society. Citizenship as a concept has its roots in European history and, more specifically, the emergence of the nation state in Europe and the ensuing economic and social developments in these societies. These social developments and the rise of the nation state have worked in parallel, fostering the notion of an individual citizen bestowed with rights and obligations. This gradual interaction was very different from what happened in the context of the Arab world. The emerging of the nation state in Egypt was an outcome of modernisation efforts from the top-down; it coercively redesigned the social structure, by eliminating or weakening some social classes in favour of others. These efforts have had an impact on the state-society relation at least in two respects. First, on the overlapping relation between some social classes and the state, and second, on the ability of some social groups to self-organise, define and raise their demands. This study identifies how different political parties in Egypt envision the multi-dimensional concept of citizenship. We focus on the following elements: Nature of the state (identity, nature of the regime) Liberties and rights (election laws, political party laws, etc.) Right to gather and organise (syndicates, associations, etc.) Freedom of expression and speech (right to protest, sit in, strike, etc.) Public and individual liberties (freedom of belief, personal issues, etc.) Rights of marginalised groups (women, minorities, etc.)

One year of Ukraine’s De-communisation. A change in the historical narrative. OSW COMMENTARY NUMBER 211/16.05.2016

A year ago, the Parliament of Ukraine adopted four bills on the policy of national memory: on granting access to the archives of the repressive organs of the Communist totalitarian regime in the years 1917–1991, on the legal status and commemoration of Ukrainian independence fighters in the twentieth century, on the immortalisation of the victory over Nazism in the Second World War, 1939–1945, and on the condemnation of the Communist and National Socialist (Nazi) totalitarian regimes and the forbidding of their symbolism from being promoted. The laws came into force on 21 May 2015. After a year, it can be stated that only the latter two are being observed – the official narrative regarding World War II has been changed, mainly due to the activity of the Ukrainian Institute of National Remembrance (UINR), but also as a result of public statements by President Petro Poroshenko. The process of removing from public places the names and commemorations referring to the Soviet era is underway, and the fears that this may trigger serious conflicts have not proved true. From roughly a thousand placenames subject to de-communisation some two thirds have been changed so far (parliamentary bills regarding the remaining ones are awaiting approval) and most statues of Communist leaders have been removed. However, the law concerning independence fighters, which raised the most serious controversies, did not have any practical consequences. Moreover, nothing suggests that this could change. The implementation of the de-communisation laws is associated with a significant change in Ukrainian patriotic narrative: it is no longer focused on national martyrdom and it is beginning to emphasize heroic motives, which is in line with wartime needs. The fact that some of these motives are likely to trigger problems in Ukraine’s relations with Poland seems to be viewed as a marginal ‘by-product’.

Violencia e invisibilidad indígena : La cuestión de los pueblos originarios durante el primer peronismo

El presente trabajo busca profundizar en el análisis de los vínculos existentes entre el primer gobierno peronista y la cuestión indígena, centrándose en las políticas gubernamentales desarrolladas por el gobierno de Perón frente a dos fuertes conflictos violentos que tuvieron lugar entre 1946 y 1947: el "Malón de la paz", la movilización indígena llevada a cabo entre mayo y agosto de 1947, cuando 174 kollas caminaron 2000 kilómetros desde la Puna y el valle de Orán hasta la Capital Federal para reclamar por la titularidad de sus tierras, en manos de terratenientes y en denuncia de las condiciones de explotación en las que trabajaban; y "Masacre de Rincón Bomba", el conflicto desarrollado en una pequeña localidad de Formosa, cuando indígenas de comunidades wichi, tobas y principalmente pilagás fueron masacradas por la Gendarmería Nacional en un confuso episodio, que sale a la luz hace pocos años. El objetivo en ambos puntos es doble: por un lado analizar la relación entre los intereses e intenciones del gobierno de Juan Domingo Perón para con las comunidades originarias, visibilizando su existencia y sus condiciones de vida en tanto sujetos de derechos históricamente vulnerados. Por otro, abrir el debate historiográfico sobre el quehacer de los historiadores respecto de una temática que ha sido silenciada durante décadas, negando la existencia y la identidad de los pueblos originarios

Contribuição para o estudo antropológico dos indígenas de Moçambique.

Separata dos "Anais Scientificos da Faculdade de Medicina do Pôrto", vol. IV, no. 3.

Les peuples de l'Afrique /

Final page of text is correctly numbered 258. It is followed by the table of contents on one leaf, the first page of which is unnumbered with the verso being incorrectly numbered 158.

Angola; repression and revolt in Portuguese Africa.

Mode of access: Internet.

L'Afrique occidentale française; ouvrage illustré de 49 gravures tirées hors texte et d'une carte en noir.

Mode of access: Internet.

The dual mandate in British tropical Africa,

Mode of access: Internet.

Raças e linguas indigenas em Moçambique : memoria apresentada ao Congresso colonial nacional /

Includes bibliographical footnotes.

Britain across the seas : Africa : a history and description of the British Empire in Africa /

Half-title: A history and description of the British Empire in Africa.

Violencia e invisibilidad indígena : La cuestión de los pueblos originarios durante el primer peronismo

El presente trabajo busca profundizar en el análisis de los vínculos existentes entre el primer gobierno peronista y la cuestión indígena, centrándose en las políticas gubernamentales desarrolladas por el gobierno de Perón frente a dos fuertes conflictos violentos que tuvieron lugar entre 1946 y 1947: el "Malón de la paz", la movilización indígena llevada a cabo entre mayo y agosto de 1947, cuando 174 kollas caminaron 2000 kilómetros desde la Puna y el valle de Orán hasta la Capital Federal para reclamar por la titularidad de sus tierras, en manos de terratenientes y en denuncia de las condiciones de explotación en las que trabajaban; y "Masacre de Rincón Bomba", el conflicto desarrollado en una pequeña localidad de Formosa, cuando indígenas de comunidades wichi, tobas y principalmente pilagás fueron masacradas por la Gendarmería Nacional en un confuso episodio, que sale a la luz hace pocos años. El objetivo en ambos puntos es doble: por un lado analizar la relación entre los intereses e intenciones del gobierno de Juan Domingo Perón para con las comunidades originarias, visibilizando su existencia y sus condiciones de vida en tanto sujetos de derechos históricamente vulnerados. Por otro, abrir el debate historiográfico sobre el quehacer de los historiadores respecto de una temática que ha sido silenciada durante décadas, negando la existencia y la identidad de los pueblos originarios

Archaeology, diaspora and decolonization

Archaeologists in settler societies need to find theoretically well-founded ways of understanding the sociopolitical milieux in which they work if they are to deal sensibly and sensitively with the colonizers as well as the colonized in their communities. This article explores one avenue that the author has found helpful in a number of contexts. He advances the proposition that, with certain qualifications, the social conditions of settler nations might usefully be approached as the products of a single social condition - diaspora - in a manifestation that is unique to such societies because it positions indigenous peoples as well as settlers as diasporic.

Co-opting conservation: Migrant resource control and access to national park management in the Philippine uplands

The history of political and economic inequality in forest villages can shape how and why resource use conflicts arise during the evolution of national parks management. In the Philippine uplands, indigenous peoples and migrant settlers co-exist, compete over land and forest resources, and shape how managers preserve forests through national parks. This article examines how migrants have claimed lands and changed production and exchange relations among the indigenous Tagbanua to build on and benefit from otherwise coercive park management on Palawan Island, the Philippines. Migrant control over productive resources has influenced who, within each group, could sustain agriculture in the face of the state's dominant conservation narrative - valorizing migrant paddy rice and criminalizing Tagbanua swiddens. Upon settling, migrant farmers used new political and economic strengths to tap into provincial political networks in order to be hired at a national park. As a result, they were able to steer management to support paddy rice at the expense of swidden cultivation. While state conservation policy shapes how national parks impact upon local resource access and use, older political economic inequalities in forest villages build on such policies to influence how management affects the livelihoods of poor households.