851 resultados para France and Algeria


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Summary. The African Union (AU), a union consisting of 54 African States, held an Extraordinary Summit on 11-12 October 2013, to discuss its relationship with the International Criminal Court (ICC or the Court). The meeting took place just weeks before the trial of Kenya’s President Uhuru Kenyatta is scheduled to begin, and was clearly intended to voice discontent and put on hold the ongoing ICC proceedings against Kenyatta as well as his deputy, Vice-President William Ruto. Before the Summit, there were even widespread rumors that the Assembly of the AU would call for a mass withdrawal of African States Parties from the ICC Statute. Eventually, the Assembly did not go that far and took two important, but less controversial decisions. It called for the granting of immunities to Heads of States from prosecutions by international criminal tribunals and requested a deferral of the ICC cases against Kenyatta and Ruto through a resolution adopted by the UN Security Council (UNSC). After providing a background to the Kenya cases, this policy brief aims to evaluate what the position of the EU and its Member States as outspoken supporters of the ICC and the fight against impunity should be, especially given the fact that France and the UK, as permanent UNSC members, could block a UNSC deferral at any time.

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This paper offers an academic examination of the legal regimes surrounding the criminalisation of irregular migrants in the EU and of acts of solidarity with irregular migrants, such as assisting irregular migrants to enter or remain in the EU, and other behaviour that is motivated by humanitarian instincts. The research analyses EU law and its relationship with national provisions regarding the criminalisation of irregular migration and of acts of solidarity vis-á-vis irregular migrants. A comparative analysis was made of the laws of the UK, France and Italy, supplemented by an analysis of the laws of Germany, the Netherlands and Spain. By considering the role of public trust in fostering compliance with the law, the paper explores the impact of criminalisation measures on institutions’ authority to compel individuals to comply with the law (institutional legitimacy). The study finds that certain indicators question institutional legitimacy and reveals the varied nature and extent of penalties imposed by different member states. The paper concludes that there is an important role for public trust in immigration law compliance, not just in measures directed towards irregular migrants but also towards those acting in solidarity with irregular migrants.

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This essay compares the preferences of France, Italy, and Britain on the creation of the European Monetary System in 1978-1979, especially the Exchange Rate Mechanism, which stabilised nominal exchange rates. My claim is that the different conclusions reached by the governments (France and Italy in, Britain out) cannot be explained by economic circumstances or by interests, and I elaborate an intervening institutional variable which helps explain preferences. Deducing from spatial theory that where decisionmakers `sit' on the left-right spectrum matters to their position on the EMS, I argue that domestic constitutional power-. sharing mechanisms privilege certain actors over others in a predictable and consistent way. Where centrists were in power, the government's decision was to join. Where left or right extremists were privileged, the government's decision was negative. The article measures the centrism of the governments in place at the time, and also reviews the positions taken by the national political parties in and out of government. It is intended to contribute to the growing comparativist literature on the European Union, and to the burgeoning literature on EU-member-state relations.

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On 29 July a deal was signed in Paris concerning a merger between Krauss-Maffei Wegmann (KMW), Germany’s largest manufacturer of tanks, infantry fighting vehicles and artillery systems, and its French counterpart Nexter. The new holding formed as a result of the merger will be Europe’s largest producer of arms systems for land forces, comparable to the Airbus Group in the aerospace industry. While work on finalising the merger was underway, the German government was developing a new strategy for Germany’s arms industry, which was published on 9 June 2015. The strategy’s provisions show that German politicians, despite holding negative opinions on previous mergers between German arms companies and foreign businesses, have concluded that consolidation at the European level is nonetheless the only way to go. However, the strategy also states that the German government should exercise more influence than previously on the terms and conditions of any such consolidation. To this end, it identified key national technologies which will be supported and protected through various instruments, including also the conclusion of intergovernmental agreements on strategic defence co-operation. Such agreements may regulate questions such as the ownership structures of the new companies, the locations for developing technologies and for manufacturing products, subcontractors and exports of jointly developed arms and military equipment. In relation to the KMW–Nexter merger, such a deal between France and Germany is expected to be signed this autumn.

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For more than two decades, Azerbaijan and Armenia have been locked in a stalemate over the Nagorno-Karabakh. The protracted conflict remains the biggest impediment to security, stability and prosperity in the South Caucasus. The EU has put itself on the sidelines of the conflict resolution process, allowing the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) Minsk Group (MG), of which Russia, France and the US are co-chairs, to take centre stage. In this Policy Brief, Amanda Paul and Dennis Sammut argue that the EU should play a more active role in the conflict resolution process, taking the lead with innovative initiatives and using its soft power skills and experience. A recent review of the European Neighbourhood Policy recognises that protracted conflicts continue to hamper development in the region. This new approach now needs to be given substance, before the conflict further escalates and becomes another crisis on Europe’s border the already burdened Union cannot cope with.

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Characterization of dissolved CO2 and alkane gas in clayrocks may help assessing the confinement properties of geological barriers considered as potential host rocks for a deep geological disposal as well as for caprocks of gas storages. A monitoring of alkanes with CO2, combined with carbon isotopes was performed on core samples coming from Underground Research Laboratories (Bure, Mont Terri, Tournemire) and the Schlattingen borehole in France and Switzerland. Composition of hydrocarbon gas and delta C-13 of methane strongly suggest a dominant thermogenic origin of methane which is mixed with a bacterial origin for the Toarcian shales, Pliensbachien and Callovian-Oxfordian clayrocks. Results also evidence the contrasted behavior of CO2, which is controlled by chemical equilibrium between pore water and carbonate mineralogy, compared to the alkanes which are present in the porosity as a stock of dissolved gases which can be depleted during degassing experiments. (C) 2015 The Authors. Published by Elsevier B.V.

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An orbital floating time scale of the Hauterivian-Barremian transition (Early Cretaceous) is proposed using high-resolution magnetic susceptibility measurements. Orbital tuning was performed on the Río Argos section (southeast Spain), the candidate for a Global boundary Stratotype Section and Point (GSSP) for the Hauterivian-Barremian transition. Spectral analyses of MS variations, coupled with the frequency ratio method, allow the recognition of precession, obliquity and eccentricity frequency bands. Orbitally-tuned magnetic susceptibility provides minimum durations for ammonite biozones. The durations of well-constrained ammonite zones are assessed at 0.78 myr for Pseudothurmannia ohmi (Late Hauterivian) and 0.57 myr for Taveraidiscus hugii (Early Barremian). These results are consistent with previous estimates from the other reference section (Angles, southeast France) and tend to show that the Río Argos section displays a complete succession for this time interval. They differ significantly from those proposed in the Geologic Time Scale 2008 and may help to improve the next compilation. The Faraoni Oceanic Anoxic Event, a key Early Cretaceous oceanographic perturbation occurring at the P. ohmi/P. catulloi subzone boundary has a duration estimated at 0.10-0.15 myr, which is similar to previous assessments.

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The present 30 volumes seem to have remained with the Dukes of Leuchtenberg, until the ducal library was acquired for sale in 1935 by the dealers Ulrich Hoepli (Milan) and Braus-Riggenbach (Basel). The volumes are not complete, as leaves have been wholly or partly removed throughout; this is particularly evident in preliminary volumes 2 and 10 and volume 75. Prints and the relatively small number of drawings are mostly French, with some German, Dutch and English, and are mostly of the 17th or 18th centuries. They are mounted generally on rectos of leaves, often with hand-written captions. Large prints are occasionally bound in directly; these are often folded. The engraved general title page (bearing the date 1788) appears at the beginning of each volume; below the printed title a hand-written volume number and brief title describing the volume's contents usually appear. In many volumes the title leaf is followed by a hand-written contents leaf listing the section titles, which are also written individually throughout the volume on leaves with etched decorative frames. Sections are numbered continuously throughout the work as a whole. Numbering of the leaves, when present, appears in black ink within each volume at top center recto. Printmakers include B. & J. Audran, Francesco Bartolozzi, Abraham Bosse, Stefano della Bella, Jacques Callot, François Chéreau, Wenceslaus Hollar, Romeyn de Hooghe, Raymond La Fage, Sébastien Le Clerc, Pierre Lepautre, Claude Mellan, Bernard Picart, and Simon Thomassin. There are also early color prints by Gautier-Dagoty and Jean-Baptiste Morret.

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Swift, Jonathan. The Drapier's letters.--Pope, Alexander. The Dunciad.--Gay, John. The beggar's opera.--Chesterfield, Earl of. Selected letters to his son.-- Sterne, Laurence. A sentimental journey through France and Italy.--Walpole, Horace. The castle of Otranto.--Sheridan, R. B. The school for scandal.--Gibbon, Edward. Memoirs of my life and writings.--Blake, William. Songs of innocence and songs of experience.

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The Holy alliance.--The conspiracy of Laybach and Verona.--The revolt of France and Poland against the holy conspirators.-- The revolt of Europe in 1848 against the holy conspirators. Germany.--The revolt in Europe in 1848 against the holy conspirators. Hungary.--The dictatorship of Russia in Europe.--The relations of American and English librty to the Russian dictatorship.--The American republic and the last war of freedom and despotism.

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Titles vary: v. 5 has title, "Civil correspondence and memoranda"; v. 6-15 have title, "Supplementary despatches. Correspondence and memoranda. "

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Vol. 3-7 bear imprint: Printed for subscribers only & not published.

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--I. Life of the author. An essay on the original and nature of government. Observations upon the united provinces of the Netherlands. Letters containing an account of the most important transactions that passed in Christendom from 1665 to 1672.-II. Sequel of the author's letters, serving to supply the loss of the first part of his memoirs. A survey of the constitutions and interests of the empire, Sweden, Denmark, Spain, Holland, France, and Flanders in 1671. A letter to the Duke of Ormond, written in October 1673. Memoirs, pt. II--III.--III. [Essays] Poetry.--IV. Letters to the king, the Prince of Orange, &c. Index.