943 resultados para Fekete-Szegö Inequality
Resumo:
Arguably the deepest fact known about the von Neumann entropy, the strong subadditivity inequality is a potent hammer in the quantum information theorist's toolkit. This short tutorial describes a simple proof of strong subadditivity due to Petz [Rep. on Math. Phys. 23 (1), 57-65 (1986)]. It assumes only knowledge of elementary linear algebra and quantum mechanics.
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We study Greenberger-Horne-Zeilinger-type (GHZ-type) and W-type three-mode entangled coherent states. Both types of entangled coherent states violate Mermin's version of the Bell inequality with threshold photon detection (i.e., without photon counting). Such an experiment can be performed using linear optics elements and threshold detectors with significant Bell violations for GHZ-type entangled coherent states. However, to demonstrate Bell-type inequality violations for W-type entangled coherent states, additional nonlinear interactions are needed. We also propose an optical scheme to generate W-type entangled coherent states in free-traveling optical fields. The required resources for the generation are a single-photon source, a coherent state source, beam splitters, phase shifters, photodetectors, and Kerr nonlinearities. Our scheme does not necessarily require strong Kerr nonlinear interactions; i.e., weak nonlinearities can be used for the generation of the W-type entangled coherent states. Furthermore, it is also robust against inefficiencies of the single-photon source and the photon detectors.
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Let Ω be a smooth exterior domain in ℝN and 1 < p < ∞. We prove that when p ≠ N, Hardy's LP inequality is valid on D01,p(Ω). ©2005 American Mathematical Society
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The standard Bell-inequality experiments test for violation of local realism by repeatedly making local measurements on individual copies of an entangled quantum state. Here we investigate the possibility of increasing the violation of a Bell inequality by making collective measurements. We show that the nonlocality of bipartite pure entangled states, quantified by their maximal violation of the Bell-Clauser-Horne inequality, can always be enhanced by collective measurements, even without communication between the parties. For mixed states we also show that collective measurements can increase the violation of Bell inequalities, although numerical evidence suggests that the phenomenon is not common as it is for pure states.
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Numerous authors are apparently unaware that bounds on the trace of a matrix product presented in 1995 were originally published in 1990.
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The current global development project appears to be premised on the assumption that underlying political debates over development have been settled. An upshot of this is that development is reduced to the theoretical, ideological and legal framework of a neo-liberal political order. However, implicit, and sometimes explicit, political dynamics of development can be rendered from a perspective that foregrounds social struggles. I offer a political analysis of the PRSP initiative by examining its evolution and implications considered within social and political contexts, and by specific reference to the 'poverty reduction' interventions that emerged in the 1980s. I argue that the PRSP initiative is best understood as the formation of a comprehensive extension of neo-liberal strategic responses that emerged in the 1980s. In this context, I discuss the example of microcredit schemes in relation to the PRSP process and demonstrate the analytical significance of micro-political social relations for political analyses of development. The approach I adopt reveals social struggles as relationally constitutive of formations of a hegemonic development discourse otherwise ostensibly rendered in de-contextualized terms. From the perspective of critical development analysis such struggles are the concrete expressions of the contradictions immanent to the dialectic of development through inequality and immiseration in the (re)production of social power.
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Over the past 25 years neoliberal philosophies have increasingly informed labour market policies in Australia that have led to increasing levels of wage decentralization. The most recent industrial relations changes aim to decentralize wage setting significantly further than has previously been the case. We argue that this is problematic for gender equity as wage decentralization will entrench rather than challenge the undervaluation of feminized work. In this article we provide an overview of key neoliberal industrial relations policy changes pertinent to gender equity and examine the current state of gender equity in the labour market. Results show that women's labour force participation has steadily increased over time but that a number of negative trends exclude women with substantial caring responsibilities from pursuing a career track. The implications of increasing levels of wage deregulation are that gender wage inequality and the potential for discrimination will grow.
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Despite the increased attention on the impacts of globalisation, there has been little empirical investigation into the impact of multinational firms on the domestic labour market and in particular wage inequality, this is in spite of a rapid increase in foreign direct investment (FDI) at around the same time of rising inequality. Using UK panel data, this paper tests whether inward flows of FDI have contributed to increasing wage inequality. Even after controlling for the two most common explanations of wage inequality, technology and trade, we find that FDI has a significant effect upon wage inequality, with the overall impact of FDI explaining on average 11% of wage inequality. © 2003 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.
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Using panel data for twenty-seven post-communist economies between 1987-2003, we examine the nexus of relationships between inequality, fiscal capacity (defined as the ability to raise taxes efficiently) and the political regime. Investigating the impact of political reform we find that full political freedom is associated with lower levels of income inequality. Under more oligarchic (authoritarian) regimes, the level of inequality is conditioned by the state’s fiscal capacity. Specifically, oligarchic regimes with more developed fiscal systems are able to defend the prevailing vested interests at a lower cost in terms of social injustice. This empirical finding is consistent with the model developed by Acemoglu (2006). We also find that transition countries undertaking early macroeconomic stabilisation now enjoy lower levels of inequality; we confirm that education fosters equality and the suggestion of Commander et al (1999) that larger countries are prone to higher levels of inequality.