El nuevo escenario global y un modelo de negocio para la industria naval militar del 2025

Los retos y oportunidades a los que se enfrentan las organizaciones y administraciones de las primeras décadas del siglo XXI se caracterizan por una serie de fuerzas perturbadoras como la globalización, el avance de las tecnologías emergentes y el desequilibrio económico, que están actuando como impulsores de la transformación del mercado. La acción conjunta de estos factores está obligando a todas las empresas industriales a tener que trabajar con mayores y más exigentes niveles de productividad planteándose continuamente como mejorar y lograr satisfacer los requerimientos de los clientes. De esta situación surge la necesidad de volver a plantearse de nuevo ¿quién es el cliente?, ¿qué valora el cliente? y ¿cómo se pueden generan beneficios sostenibles? La aplicación de esta reflexión a la industria naval militar marca los objetivos a los que esta tesis doctoral busca dar respuesta. El primer objetivo, de carácter general, consiste en la definición de un modelo de negocio sostenible para la industria naval militar del 2025 que se adapte a los requisitos del cliente y al nuevo escenario político, económico, social, tecnológico y ambiental que rodea esta industria. El segundo objetivo, consecuencia del modelo general, trata de desarrollar una metodología para ejecutar programas de apoyo al ciclo de vida del “buque militar”. La investigación se estructura en cuatro partes: en la primera se justifica, por un lado, la necesidad del cambio de modelo y por otro se identifican los factores estructurantes para la definición del modelo. La segunda parte revisa la literatura existente sobre uno de los aspectos básicos para el nuevo modelo, el concepto Producto-Servicio. La tercera parte se centra totalmente en la industria naval militar estudiando los aspectos concretos del sector y, en base al trabajo de campo realizado, se identifican los puntos que más valoran las Marinas de Guerra y como estas gestionan al buque militar durante todo su ciclo de vida. Por último se presentan los principios del modelo propuesto y se desarrollan los pilares básicos para la ejecución de proyectos de Apoyo al Ciclo de Vida (ACV). Como resultado de la investigación, el modelo propuesto para la industria naval militar se fundamenta en once principios: 1. El buque militar (producto de alto valor añadido) debe ser diseñado y construido en un astillero del país que desarrolla el programa de defensa. 2. El diseño tiene que estar orientado al valor para el cliente, es decir, se tiene que diseñar el buque militar para que cumpla su misión, eficaz y eficientemente, durante toda su vida operativa, asegurando la seguridad del buque y de las personas y protegiendo el medio ambiente de acuerdo con las regulaciones vigentes. 3. La empresa debe suministrar soluciones integrales de apoyo al ciclo de vida al producto. 4. Desarrollar y mantener las capacidades de integración de sistemas complejos para todo el ciclo de vida del buque militar. 5. Incorporar las tecnologías digitales al producto, a los procesos, a las personas y al propio modelo de negocio. 6. Desarrollar planes de actuación con el cliente domestico a largo plazo. Estos planes tienen que estar basados en tres premisas: (i) deben incluir el ciclo de vida completo, desde la fase de investigación y desarrollo hasta la retirada del buque del servicio; (ii) la demanda debe ser sofisticada, es decir las exigencias del cliente, tanto desde la óptica de producto como de eficiencia, “tiran” del contratista y (iii) permitir el mantenimiento del nivel tecnológico y de las capacidades industriales de la compañía a futuro y posicionarla para que pueda competir en el mercado de exportación. 7. Impulsar el sector militar de exportación mediante una mayor actividad comercial a nivel internacional. 8. Fomentar la multilocalización ya que representa una oportunidad de crecimiento y favorece la exportación posibilitando el suministro de soluciones integrales en el país destino. 9. Reforzar la diplomacia institucional como palanca para la exportación. 10. Potenciar el liderazgo tecnológico tanto en producto como en procesos con políticas activas de I + D+ i. 11. Reforzar la capacidad de financiación con soluciones innovadoras. El segundo objetivo de esta tesis se centra en el desarrollo de soluciones integrales de Apoyo al Ciclo de Vida (ACV). La metodología planteada trata de minimizar la brecha entre capacidades y necesidades a lo largo de la vida operativa del barco. Es decir, el objetivo principal de los programas de ACV es que la unidad conserve durante toda su vida operativa, en términos relativos a las tecnologías existentes, las capacidades equivalentes a las que tendrá cuando entre en servicio. Los ejes de actuación para conseguir que un programa de Apoyo al Ciclo de Vida cumpla su objetivo son: el diseño orientado al valor, la ingeniería de Apoyo al Ciclo de Vida, los proyectos de refresco de tecnología, el mantenimiento Inteligente y los contratos basados en prestaciones. ABSTRACT On the first decades of the 21st century, organizations and administrations face challenges and come across opportunities threatened by a number of disruptive forces such as globalization, the ever-changing emerging technologies and the economic imbalances acting as drivers of the market transformation. This combination of factors is forcing all industrial companies to have more and higher demanding productivity levels, while bearing always in mind how to improve and meet the customer’s requirements. In this situation, we need to question ourselves again: Who is the customer? What does the customer value? And how can we deliver sustainable economic benefits? Considering this matter in a military naval industry framework sets the goals that this thesis intends to achieve. The first general goal is the definition of a new sustainable business model for the 2025 naval industry, adapted to the customer requirements and the new political, economic, social, technological and environmental scenario. And the second goal that arises as a consequence of the general model develops a methodology to implement “warship” through life support programs. The research is divided in four parts: the first one justifies, on the one hand, the need to change the existing model and, on the other, identifies the model structural factors. On the second part, current literature regarding one of the key issues on the new model (the Product-Service concept) is reviewed. Based on field research, the third part focuses entirely on military shipbuilding, analyzing specific key aspects of this field and identifying which of them are valued the most by Navies and how they manage through life cycles of warships. Finally, the foundation of the proposed model is presented and also the basic grounds for implementing a Through Life Support (TLS) program are developed. As a result of this research, the proposed model for the naval industry is based on eleven (11) key principles: 1. The warship (a high added value product) must be designed and built in a shipyard at the country developing the defense program. 2. Design must be customer value oriented, i.e.warship must be designed to effectively fulfill its mission throughout its operational life, ensuring safety at the ship and for the people and protecting the environment in accordance with current regulations. 3. The industry has to provide integrated Through Life Support solutions. 4. Develop and maintain integrated complex systems capabilities for the entire warship life cycle. 5. Introduce the product, processes, people and business model itself to digital technologies. 6. Develop long-term action plans with the domestic customer. These plans must be based on three premises: (i) the complete life cycle must be included, starting from the research and development stage throughout the ship’s disposal; (ii) customer demand has to be sophisticated, i.e. customer requirements, both from the efficiency and product perspective, "attract" the contractor and (iii) technological level and manufacturing capabilities of the company in the future must be maintained and a competitive position on the export market has to be achieved. 7. Promote the military exporting sector through increased international business. 8. Develop contractor multi-location as it entails an opportunity for growth and promote export opportunities providing integrated solutions in the customer's country. 9. Strengthen institutional diplomacy as a lever for export. 10. Promote technological leadership in both product and processes with active R & D & I policies (Research & Development & Innovation) 11. Strengthen financing capacity through innovative solutions. The second goal of this thesis is focused on developing integrated Through Life Support (TLS) solutions. The proposed methodology tries to minimize the gap between needs and capabilities through the ship operational life. It means, the main TLS program objective is to maintain the ship’s performance and capabilities during operational life, in relative terms to current technologies, equivalent to those the ship had when it entered service. The main actions to fulfill the TLS program objectives are: value-oriented design, TLS engineering, technology updating projects, intelligent maintenance and performance based contracts.

El confesor real en la Castilla de los Trastamara: 1366-1504

The knowledge about the figure of royal confessor has been, until recent times, very limited for the period of medieval Castile. A lot of studies have been done for Modern Age, when the institution of the kinǵs confessor played an important role in the Court of the Hispanic Crown. It is evident that this figure didńt appear ex nihilo in the Sixteenth Century and there existed some origins. Many historians mentioned some medieval confessors in their studies about any other subjects. Actually, it was not clear if those clerics could be properly considered as confessors. Our first aim has been to find all the references which exist in the sources and bibliography about kinǵs confessors in the Middle Ages and verify their nature as confessors. We fixed the beginning of the period of study with the reign of Enrique II, and its end with the death of Isabel I in 1504. The main reason is the fact that both sovereigns are the first and last monarchs of Trastamara dinasty, a very significant period in the origin of Modern State in Castile. The Church was an essential element in this process, on account of the service which many clerics enlisted to the Crown in different tasks (diplomacy, bureaucracy, Counsel and Counselling, etc.) and their ideological support to this endeavour. In this context, the royal confessor could perform an important work as personal advisor and a loyal subject to the person of the king in so many activities. This is well-known for Modern Age and also fort the reign of transition between this period and the precedent: the period of Catholic Kings. But it isńt for the times backwards...

Slaying the Hydra: Al Qaeda's Evolution and America's Plan of Attack

In response to 9/11, the U.S. launched airstrikes in Afghanistan against al Qaeda to diminish its ability to conduct future attacks. Next, the U.S. turned its attention to Iraq. A series of problems and missteps there subsequently created an opportunity for al Qaeda to evolve, aligning itself with active insurgencies and other terrorist groups around the world. This paper identifies the largely preemptive strategies employed by the U.S. and analyzes how those efforts positively and negatively impacted the War on Terror. While some significant gains were made, the results show that al Qaeda remains a threat to the international community and demands more effective U.S. and international counter-radicalization strategies, including diplomacy and aid, to curb its global appeal.

Human Rights in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and the Future of the Troubled State after Kim Jong-Il

Since 2008, international speculation about the viability of Kim Jong-Il's leadership in North Korea has been at the forefront of diplomatic discussions. North Korea is known to be a secretive state where human rights violations abound. This paper discusses the history of leadership and government in North Korea since World War II, the current human rights situation in the country, the role of China, and potential successors to Kim Jong-Il. The ramifications of impending regime change are discussed in terms of North Korea's human rights issues and economic problems. While current efforts at diplomacy have proved ineffective, the need for concerned nations, intergovernmental organizations, and non-governmental organizations to be prepared to engage North Korea after Kim Jong-Il is imperative.

Antonio Maura y el papel del II Reich en las negociaciones hispano-francesas sobre Marruecos de 1903-1904

En la primera parte del artículo se aborda el problema que ha de afrontar el estadista Antonio Maura al convertirse en el jefe del gobierno español, a finales de 1903 y consistente en concluir el proceso de negociación sobre Marruecos entablado con Francia desde 1901. Se resalta el carácter continuista del ideario colonial de Maura con respecto al del anterior líder conservador, Silvela, y la preponderancia de cuestiones como la seguridad nacional como motivadoras de dicho ideario. En la segunda parte, se explica la apelación del gobierno maurista a una ayuda por parte de Alemania, en función de movimientos previos de la diplomacia germana que se había interesado por controlar una parte del Marruecos español, o por conseguir compensaciones en Fernando Po. Finalmente se analiza el intento de Berlín de instrumentalizar al gobierno Maura en el curso de las conversaciones hispano-francesas sobre el Imperio jerifiano.

La tardía emergencia mediática de la vacuna contra la viruela, cobertura de noticias en prensa española (1999-2004)

Introducción. Las discusiones sobre la necesidad de conservación del virus de la viruela en 1999 pusieron de actualidad una enfermedad erradicada veinte años atrás. El escenario de alarma internacional creado tras los incidentes del 11-S en EE.UU vino a resituar a la viruela como potencial candidata para ser utilizada como arma bioterrorista. La consecuencia directa fue la reactivación de una vacuna que permanecía en el olvido y cuyos destinatarios iniciales eran los cuerpos de seguridad estadounidenses. España también se interesó por adquirir la vacuna antivariólica. El objetivo de este estudio es valorar la cobertura mediática que la viruela obtuvo en nuestro país. Métodos. Revisión sistemática en la base documental Dow Jones Factiva de las noticias publicadas durante el periodo 1999-2004 en los cuatro diarios de mayor tirada nacional (ABC, El Mundo, El País y La Vanguardia), utilizando como palabra clave “viruela”. Se efectuó un análisis cuantitativo y cualitativo de los datos obtenidos. Resultados. Se analizaron 416 noticias. El Mundo, con un total de 158 (37.98%), fue el diario con más publicaciones. El mayor número de noticias (152, 36,5%) se editaron en 2003, coincidiendo con la adquisición de vacunas por España. El tipo de mensajes emitidos fue variable a lo largo del sexenio, predominando los relacionados con “diplomacia y política”, “riesgo epidemiológico”, “bioterrorismo” y “vacuna”, concentrados en años diferentes. Conclusiones. La alarma creada en torno a la vacunación antivariólica fue un fenómeno mediático que obedeció a cuestiones de estrategia política más que a un problema real de salud pública.

The EU and Brazil: Partnering in an uncertain world? CEPS Working Document No. 382, 13 May 2013

The international system is changing fast and both the European Union and Brazil will need to adapt. This paper argues that such a process of adjustment may bring the two closer together, even if their starting points differ considerably. Europe looks at the ongoing redistribution of power as a challenge, Brazil as an opportunity. Europe is coping with the detrimental impact of the economic crisis on its international profile; Brazil is enhancing its influence in its region and beyond. Their normative outlook is broadly compatible; their political priorities and behaviour in multilateral frameworks often differ, from trade to development and security issues. Despite the crisis, however, there are signals of renewed engagement by the EU on the international stage, with a focus on its troubled neighbourhood and partnerships with the US and large emerging actors such as Brazil. The latter is charting an original course in international affairs as a rising democratic power from the traditional South with no geopolitical opponents and a commitment to multilateralism. In testing the limits of its international influence, Brazil will need dependable partners and variable coalitions that go well beyond the BRICS format, which is not necessarily sustainable. This contribution suggests that the strategic partnership between the EU and Brazil may grow stronger not only as a platform to deepen economic ties and sustain growth, but also as a tool to foster cooperation in political and security affairs including crisis management, preventive diplomacy and human rights.

The Arab Spring: A Litmus Test for the EU’s Women’s Rights Policy in the Euro-Mediterranean Area? Bruges Regional Integration & Global Governance Paper 1/2013

The promotion of women’s rights is described as a priority within the external action of the European Union (EU). As a result of the Arab Spring uprisings which have been ongoing since 2011, democracy and human rights have been pushed to the forefront of European policy towards the Euro-Mediterranean region. The EU could capitalise on these transformations to help positively reshape gender relations or it could fail to adapt. Thus, the Arab Spring can be seen to serve as a litmus test for the EU’s women’s rights policy. This paper examines how and to what extent the EU diffuses women’s rights in this region, by using Ian Manners’ ‘Normative Power Europe’ as the conceptual framework. It argues that while the EU tries to behave as a normative force for women’s empowerment by way of ‘informational diffusion’, ‘transference’ ‘procedural diffusion’ and ‘overt diffusion’; its efforts could, and should, be strengthened. There are reservations over the EU’s credibility, choice of engagement and its commitment in the face of security and ideological concerns. Moreover, it seems that the EU focuses more intently on women’s political rights than on their social and economic freedoms.

The EU’s comprehensive approach towards security: the Lisbon Treaty and “smart power”. EU Centre Singpore Policy Brief No. 6, May 2013

The European Union (EU) has increasingly become a comprehensive security actor. With the development of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), including the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) as a reaction to the failure of the EU to act during the wars in Yugoslavia/Western Balkans in the 1990s, the EU has a wide range of instruments for crisis prevention, crisis management as well as post-crisis intervention at its disposal. Observers typically agree that “hard power” is no longer sufficient to address the complex security challenges of today’s world while the EU, often criticised for only utilising “soft power”, is now able to exercise “smart power”. Through a comprehensive approach, facilitated by the Lisbon Treaty, the EU can now use the various instruments at its disposal, such as diplomacy, development aid, humanitarian assistance, trade, sanctions, international cooperation and crisis management capabilities in a joined-up manner. This mix of tools and instruments is helping the EU to achieve the aim set out in its European Security Strategy: “a secure Europe in a better world”.

To Be or Not to Be a Normative Power: The EU’s Promotion of Human Rights and Democracy in Russia. Bruges Regional Integration & Global Governance Papers 2/2013

The ‘Normative Power Europe’ debate has been a leitmotif in the academic discourse for over a decade. Far from being obsolete, the topic is as relevant as when the term was first coined by Ian Manners in 2002.1 ‘To be or not to be a normative power’ is certainly one of the existential dilemmas in the foreign policy of the European Union. This paper, however, intends to move beyond the black-and-white debate on whether the European Union is a normative power and to make it more nuanced by examining the factors that make it such. Contrary to the conventional perception that the European Union is a necessarily ‘benign’ force in the world, it assumes that it has aspirations to be a viable international actor. Consequently, it pursues different types of foreign policy behaviour with a varying degree of normativity in them. The paper addresses the question of under what conditions the European Union is a ‘normative power’. The findings of the study demonstrate that the ‘normative power’ of the European Union is conditioned upon internal and external elements, engaged in a complex interaction with a decisive role played by the often neglected external elements.

The European Union and the Arms Trade Treaty: An Analysis of the EU’s Effectiveness in Multilateral Security Governance. Bruges Regional Integration & Global Governance Papers 3/2013

This paper examines the participation of the European Union (EU) in the multilateral negotiations of the UN Arms Trade Treaty (ATT). Given the EU’s declared commitment to effective multilateralism and dedication to act as a global security provider, the paper analyses to what extent the EU can be seen as an effective actor in supporting and promoting the ATT. It is argued that overall the EU was an effective player during the multilateral negotiations on the ATT, but the degree of its effectiveness varied along different dimensions. The EU was relatively successful in the achievement of its goals and in maintaining external cohesion during the negotiations, but it scored relatively low in its efforts to commit other major players to sign up to the ATT. The high level of institutional cooperation and the convergence of EU member states’ interests facilitated the EU’s effectiveness in the ATT negotiations, whereas the international context proved to be the major constraining factor.

Next steps toward a final deal with Iran. CEPS Policy Brief No. 316, 14 February 2014

On January 20th, the International Atomic Energy Agency confirmed that Iran had been implementing its commitments as part of the Joint Plan of Action (JPA) agreed with the so-called ‘E3+3’ in Geneva (also known as P5+1) on 24 November 2013. The forging of this interim deal, the successful start to its implementation and the temporary sanctions relief represent resounding success for international diplomacy but they should not be allowed to conceal the underlying issues. Reaching agreement on the JPA was achieved at the cost of clarity over what is to follow and it was decided to eschew a structured agreement in favour of a two-step process. The stated aim of the negotiating parties remains that of starting the implementation of a comprehensive solution by November 2014. If agreement is not reached on a comprehensive solution by the expiry of the JPA by July 20th, the action plan can be renewed by mutual consent. The latter might well be the likeliest outcome of the forthcoming negotiations. Apart from the large gap between the E3+3 and Iranian positions on the substance of a final deal, several domestic policy constraints will likely define the parameters of what is achievable in the future. This CEPS Policy Brief argues that the best hope for success lies in continued engagement and consistent incremental progress in the negotiations, with structured concessions on both sides. This should occur, however, not in a two- but a three-step framework based on lengthening Iran’s ‘breakout’ period while re-engaging with the country both politically and economically. The EU is in a unique position to lead this process. Having greater flexibility than either the US or Iran, its main tasks will be that of maintaining the negotiating momentum and broadening dialogue with Iran.

Shifting Between Hegemony and Dominance? A Neo-Gramscian Analysis of the EU as a Structural Foreign Policy Actor: The Singular Case of the Cariforum-EU Economic Partnership Agreement. Bruges Regional Integration & Global Governance Paper 01/2014

The groundbreaking scope of the Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) between the European Union (EU) and Cariforum (CF) irrefutably marks a substantive shift in trade relations between the regions and also has far-reaching implications across several sectors and levels. Supplementing the framework of analysis of Structural Foreign Policy (SFP) with neo-Gramscian theory allows for a thorough investigation into the details of structural embeddedness based on the EU's historic directionality towards the Caribbean region; notably, encouraging integration into the global capitalist economy by adapting to and adopting the ideals of neoliberal economics. Whilst the Caribbean – as the first and only signatory of a ‘full’ EPA – may be considered the case par excellence of the success of the EPAs, this paper demonstrates that there is no cause-effect relationship between the singular case of the ‘full’ CF-EU EPA and the success of the EPA policy towards the ACP in general. The research detailed throughout this paper responds to two SFP-based questions: (1) To what extent is the EPA a SFP tool aimed at influencing and shaping the structures in the Caribbean? (2) To what extent is the internalisation of this process reflective of the EU as a hegemonic SFP actor vis-à-vis the Caribbean? This paper affirms both the role of the EU as a hegemonic SFP actor and the EPA as a hegemonic SFP tool. Research into the negotiation, agreement and controversy that surrounds every stage of the EPA confirmed that through modern diplomacy and an evolution in relations, consensus is at the fore of contemporary EU-Caribbean relations. Whilst at once dealing with the singular case of the Caribbean, the author offers a nuanced approach beyond 'EU navel-gazing' by incorporating an ‘outside-in’ perspective, which thereafter could be applied to EU-ACP relations and the North-South dialogue in general.

Helping Moldova stay on the EU course. Proposals for a real 'more for more' approach. EPC Policy Brief, 11 December 2013

At the Vilnius Eastern Partnership (EaP) Summit in November, Moldova initialled its Association Agreement including a Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area (DCFTA) with the EU and became the first EaP country to meet all the requirements of their Visa Liberalisation Action Plan. 2014 may prove to be a make or break year for Moldova, with Chisinau facing a number of serious challenges. From the EU’s point of view, it could also prove to be a make or break year for the Eastern Partnership. The period following Vilnius should be a soul-searching time for the EU. Of the three pillars (AA, DCFTA, visa regime) of the Eastern Partnership, two are now being openly challenged by Russia. While the EU should not engage in a populist competition with Russia, it does need to adapt its actions to the realities on the ground. In this Policy Brief, Cristian Ghinea, Amanda Paul and Victor Chirila argue that the EU should work for greater visibility, better public diplomacy and deliver visible, tangible benefits to the Moldovan population as rapidly as possible. Not only will this help counter Russian activities, but it will also help shore up support for pro-EU reformers in the country.

The anatomy of Russian information warfare. The Crimean operation, a case study. OSW Point of View Number 42, May 2014

The Crimean operation has served as an occasion for Russia to demonstrate to the entire world the capabilities and the potential of information warfare. Its goal is to use difficult to detect methods to subordinate the elites and societies in other countries by making use of various kinds of secret and overt channels (secret services, diplomacy and the media), psychological impact, and ideological and political sabotage. Russian politicians and journalists have argued that information battles are necessary for “the Russian/Eurasian civilisation” to counteract “informational aggression from the Atlantic civilisation led by the USA”. This argument from the arsenal of applied geopolitics has been used for years. This text is an attempt to provide an interpretation of information warfare with the background of Russian geopolitical theory and practice.