1000 resultados para Bresser Pereira, Luiz Carlos


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O autor define neste ensaio o progresso ou o desenvolvimento humano como o gradual alcance dos cinco objetivos políticos que as sociedades modernas definiram para si próprias (segurança, liberdade individual, bem-estar, justiça social e proteção do ambiente), e o distingue do desenvolvimento econômico ou do crescimento econômico – o processo de acumulação de capital com incorporação de progresso técnico que aumenta os padrões de vida. E defende a tese que o desenvolvimento econômico, ao produzir um excedente econômico em relação ao nível de subsistência da renda por habitante, ele é estratégico para o alcance dos cinco objetivos políticos acima referidos.

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O tema de sustentabilidade ambiental tem se tornado cada vez mais um interesse nos negócios e, com a consciência crescente de práticas ambientais, a gestão na cadeia de suprimentos e seus impactos deixam de ser um problema restrito ao poder governamental e entra para a agenda das empresas, trazendo responsabilidade a todos que, de forma direta ou indireta, geram resíduos. Com participação de 8,8% do PIB em 2009, as despesas com consumo de bens e serviços de saúde cresceu com relação ao ano de 2008, quando representou 8,3%. Contudo, o setor saúde se constitui um importante consumidor de insumos e recursos naturais, gerando impactos, tanto na prestação da assistência, quanto ao longo da cadeia de fornecedores de produtos e serviços gerando cerca de 200 mil toneladas de resíduos sólidos urbanos por dia, que representa entre 1% e 1,5% dos resíduos gerados por uma cidade ou comunidade. Apesar de o tema sustentabilidade estar em voga ultimamente e, de diversos estudos terem sido feitos sobre o tema, ainda existem poucos fundamentos sólidos da relação entre investimentos em práticas ambientais e aumento de competitividade, principalmente na área de saúde, que é foco deste estudo. O objetivo geral desta dissertação será, então, entender como as práticas ambientais de fornecedores médico hospitalares são percebidas pelas instituições de saúde, tornando-os preferencias. Para isso, serão realizadas entrevistas, com abordagem qualitativa e de caráter exploratório, com coleta de dados realizada através de questionário e entrevistas com 6 instituições de saúde de grande representatividade no cenário nacional. Assim, a questão de pesquisa deste trabalho é: de que forma práticas ambientais são consideradas na seleção e gestão de fornecedores médicos hospitalares.

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The Brazilian economy is quasi-stagnant since 1980, with exception of the short 2006-2010 boom, caused by the high prices of the commodities. Up to 1994, the causes were the major financial crisis of the 1980s and the ensuing high inertial inflation. Since these two causes were overcome, the Brazilian economy should have resumed growth, but didn’t. According to new developmental macroeconomics, the new fact that explains this low growth is the 1990-91 trade liberalization, which had as non-predicted consequence the suspension of the neutralization of the Dutch disease. This fact made the Brazilian manufacturing industry to have since then a competitive disadvantage of 20 to 25%, which is causing premature deindustrialization and quasi-stagnation. There is a solution for this stalemate today, but liberal as well as developmental Brazilian economists are not being able to consider the new macroeconomic models that justify it

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This paper presents an interpretation of the European crisis based on the balance of payments imbalances within the Eurozone and highlighting the role of the “internal” real exchange rates as a primary cause of the crisis. It explores the structural contradictions that turn the Euro into a “foreign currency” for each individual Eurozone country. These contradictions imply the inability of national central banks to monetize the public and private debts, which makes the Euro crisis a sovereign crisis similar to those typical of emerging countries, but whose solution presents additional obstacles.

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This paper discusses distribution and the historical phases of capitalism. It assumes that technical progress and growth are taking place, and, given that, its question is on the functional distribution of income between labor and capital, having as reference classical theory of distribution and Marx’s falling tendency of the rate of profit. Based on the historical experience, it, first, inverts the model, making the rate of profit as the constant variable in the long run and the wage rate, as the residuum; second, it distinguishes three types of technical progress (capital-saving, neutral and capital-using) and applies it to the history of capitalism, having the UK and France as reference. Given these three types of technical progress, it distinguishes four phases of capitalist growth, where only the second is consistent with Marx prediction. The last phase, after World War II, should be, in principle, capital-saving, consistent with growth of wages above productivity. Instead, since the 1970s wages were kept stagnant in rich countries because of, first, the fact that the Information and Communication Technology Revolution proved to be highly capital using, opening room for a new wage of substitution of capital for labor; second, the new competition coming from developing countries; third, the emergence of the technobureaucratic or professional class; and, fourth, the new power of the neoliberal class coalition associating rentier capitalists and financiers

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Este artigo discute o conceito de coalizões de classe como uma alternativa parcial à luta de classes na compreensão das sociedades capitalistas; define duas coalizões de classes básicas - a desenvolvimentista e a liberal; apresenta brevemente três coalizões de classe desenvolvimentistas paradigmáticas - a mercantilista, a bismarckiana, e a social-democrata (ou dos anos dourados do capitalismo); e usa esse arcabouço teórico para entender o capitalismo contemporâneo nos anos pós neoliberais - os anos que se seguem a crise financeira global de 2008

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Neoliberalism and developmentalism are the two alternative forms of economic and political organization of capitalism. Since the 2008 global financial crisis we see the demise of neoliberalism in rich countries, as state intervention and regulation increased, opening room for a third historical developmentalism (the first was mercantilism, the second, Fordism). Not only because of major market failures, not only because the market is definitely unable to assure financial stability and full employment, an active macroeconomic policy is being required. Modern economies are divided into a competitive and a non-competitive sector; for the coordination of the competitive sector the market is irreplaceable and regulation as well as strategic industrial policy will be pragmatically adopted following the subsidiarity principle, whereas for the non-competitive sector, state coordination and some state ownership are usually more efficient. Besides, the fact that capitalist economies are increasingly diversified and complex is an argument against the two extremes – against statism as well as neoliberalism – in so far that they require market coordination combined with increased regulation. But the third developmentalism probably will not be progressive as was the second, because the social-democratic political parties are disoriented. They won the battle for the welfare state, which neoliberalism was unable to dismantle, but the competition of low wage developing countries and immigration continue to offer arguments to conservative political parties that defend the reduction of the cost of labor contracts or the or precarization of labor.

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This paper, first, distinguishes new developmentalism, a new theoretical system that is being created, from really existing developmentalism – a form of organizing capitalism. Second, it distinguishes new developmentalism from its antecedents, Development Economics or classical developmentalism and Keynesian Macroeconomics. Third, it discusses the false opposition that some economists have adopted between new developmentalism and social-developmentalism, which the author understands as a form of really existing developmentalism; as theory, it is just a version of classical developmentalism with a bias toward immediate consumption. Finally, it makes a summary of new developmentalism – of its main political economy, economic theory and economic policy claims

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Brazil is growing around 1% per capita a year from 1981; this means for a country that is supposed to catch up, quasi-stagnation. Four historical new facts explain why growth was so low after the Real Plan: the reduction of public savings, and three facts that reduce private investments: the end of the unlimited supply of labor, a very high interest rate, and the 1990 dismantling of the mechanism that neutralized the Dutch disease, which represented a major competitive disadvantage for the manufacturing industry. New-developmental theory offers an explanation and two solutions for the problem, but does not underestimate the political economy problems involved

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This thesis demonstrates the exercise of slave labor in the context of free or decent work, in contemporary times, supported by the federal constitution 1988 Brazil than places like fundamentals "the dignity of the human person" and "the social values of work and free enterprise" , and is as fundamental objectives of the Federative Republic of Brazil "build a free, just and united society," "guarantee national development", "eradicate poverty and marginalization and reduce social and regional inequalities", "promote the well all without prejudice of origin, race, sex, color, age and any other forms of discrimination. " It is considered that the analytical work category interacts both conceptually as an integral part of the capitalist development model as a driving force to the definition of State Capable. The panorama of acquired rights and rights infringed upon evidences the presence, or not, of the Brazilian state. Highlights, however, as state functions are being performed under the auspices of the Democratic State of Rights. So the original question that motivated this work is: To what extent the Brazilian government is structured to implement measures that can eradicate modern-day slavery? This question led to questions as: The Brazilian state has never failed in implementing the policy of "eradication to work analogous to slavery"? The answer the research questions were outlined using the dialectical materialist historical method under a sociological perspective in order to draw relationships and interrelationships between the current situation of the concept contemporary slavery and its historical roots. In the theoretical framework considers the conceptual approach regarding the capable state in order to answer the question regarding the eradication policy to contemporary forced labor and the Brazilian nation-state's ability to put it into action. In this sense, it employed concepts such as state, nation-state and capable state, from the interpretations of Bresser-Pereira, including the discussion regarding the formation of the arrangements and conservative and progressive political alliances. The research subject was analyzed from the reports published in 2013 by the Ministry of Labour after the Special Group of the inspection actions for Mobile Inspection (GEFM) to Combat Labour Analogous to Slave. The study of public policies related to the eradication program to work analogous to slavery takes up the discussion regarding the conditionality of free labor, or decent, in contemporary Brazil, and reveals that in Brazil the effectiveness or efficacy of government actions comply with governing the Federal Constitution-88, namely, to preserve "the dignity of the human person" and "the social values of work and free enterprise" is an ongoing process. There are advances, but these are conditioned to Brazil stage in the formation of the nation state and the national society.

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This paper, first, situates the nation-state historically, as a product of the capitalist revolution. Second, it distinguishes the state (the law system and the organization that guarantees it) from the nation-state or country (the territorial political unit formed by a nation, a state and a territory). Third, it defines nation, civil society and class coalitions, understanding that they are forms of society politically organized, which role is to act as intermediary between society and the state. Fourth, it uses these concepts plus the ones of relative autonomy and of anteriority to understand the ever changing relation between the state and society, where in early moments the state or its elites assumed the lead, and later, as democratization takes place, the protagonist role changed gradually to the people. The paper emphasizes the class coalitions, and argues that behind the two basic forms or economic and political organization of capitalism – developmentalism and economic liberalism – there are the correspondent class coalitions

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This paper distinguishes three types of countries (rich, middle-income, and pre-industrial) and focus on the latter, which, in contrast to the other two, didn’t complete their industrial and capitalist revolutions. Can pre-industrial countries be governed well and embody the principles of consolidated democracies? Today these countries are under pressure from the imperial West to eschew institutions and developmental strategies that, in the past, allowed rich and middle-income countries to industrialize. At the same time, they are pressured by these same Western parties (and by its own people) to be democratic, even though their societies are not mature enough to fulfill that. In fact, no country completed its industrial and capitalist revolution within the framework of even a minimal democracy, suggesting that such demands are unfair. Added to this, pre-industrial countries are extremely difficult to govern because they usually don’t have a strong nation and capable states. This double pressure to renounce development strategies that have worked for the West while being required to become a democracy represents a major obstacle to their development.

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The Rest will be able to catch up and grow faster than the West only if it goes against a “received truth”, namely that capital-rich countries should transfer their capital to capital-poor countries. This intuitive truth is the mantra that the West cites to justify its occupation of the markets of developing countries with its finance and its multinationals. Classical Developmentalism successfully criticized the unequal exchange involved in trade liberalization, but it didn’t succeed in criticizing foreign finance. This task has been recently achieved by New Developmentalism and its developmental macroeconomics, which shows that countries will invest and grow more if they don’t run current account deficits, even when these deficits are financed by foreign direct investment

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O estado desenvolvimentista está situado entre o estado liberal e o estatismo. Todas as revoluções industriais foram realizadas no quadro de estados desenvolvimentistas, que assumiram várias formas ou modelos, conforme o desenvolvimento fosse original ou retardatário, central ou periférico, o primeiro desenvolvimentismo no país ou o segundo. Terminada a revolução industrial e depois que a economia se torna diversificada, complexa e competitiva, o mercado pode coordenar com vantagem os setores competitivos. Mas o estado tende e deve continuar desenvolvimentista, porque cabe a ele coordenar o setor não-competitivo, realizar uma política macroeconômica ativa incluindo uma política cambial, promover a diminuição das desigualdades econômicas, e proteger o meio ambiente – todas atividades que o mercado não tem condições de realizar.