The Politics of Pulp Investment and the Brazilian Landless Movement (MST)

The Politics of Pulp Investment and the Brazilian Landless Movement (MST) The paper industry has been moving more heavily to the global South at the beginning of the 21st century. In a number of cases the rural populations of the global South have engaged in increasingly important resistance in their scuffle with the large-scale tree plantation-relying pulp investment model. The resistance had generally not yet managed to slow down Southern industrial tree plantation expansion until 2004. After all, even the MST, perhaps the strongest of the Southern movements, has limited power in comparison to the corporations pushing for plantation expansion. This thesis shows how, even against these odds, depending on the mechanisms of contention and case-specific conflict dynamics, in some cases the movements have managed to slow and even reverse plantation expansion. The thesis is based on extensive field research in the Brazilian countryside. It outlines a new theory of contentious agency promotion, emphasizing its importance in the shaping of corporate resource exploitation. The thesis includes a Qualitative Comparative Analysis of resistance influence on the economic outcomes of all (14) Brazilian large-scale pulp projects between 2004-2008. The central hypothesis of the thesis is that corporate resource exploitation can be slowed down more effectively and likely when the resistance is based on contentious agency. Contentious agency is created by the concatenation of five mutually supporting mechanisms of contention: organizing and politicizing a social movement; heterodox framing of pulp projects; protesting; networking; and embedding whilst maintaining autonomy. The findings suggest that contentious agency can slow or even reverse the expansion of industrial plantations, whereas when contentious agency promotion was inactive, fast or even unchecked plantation expansion was always the outcome. The rule applied to all the assessed 14 pulp conflict cases. The hypothesis gained strong support even in situations where corporate agency promotion was simultaneously active. In previous studies on social movements, there has been a lack of contributions that help us understand the causal mechanisms of contention influencing economic outcomes. The thesis answers to the call by merging a Polanyian analysis of the political economy with the Dynamics of Contention research program and making a case for the impact of contentious agency on capital accumulation. The research concludes that an efficient social movement can utilize mechanisms of contention to promote the potential of activism among its members and influence investment outcomes. Protesting, for example via pioneering land occupations, seemed to be particularly important. Until now, there has been no comprehensive theory on when and how contentious agency can slow down or reverse the expansion of corporate resource exploitation. The original contribution of this research is to provide such a theory, and utilize it to offer an extensive explanation on the conflicts over pulp investment in Brazil, the globalization of the paper industry, and slowing of industrial plantation expansion in the global South.

Lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans, and queer visibility through selfies: Comparing platform mediators across Ruby Rose’s Instagram and Vine presence

This article investigates the relationship between social media platforms and the production and dissemination of selfies in light of its implications for the visibility of lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans, and queer (LGBTQ) people. Applying an Actor Network Theory lens, two popular visual media apps, Instagram and Vine, are examined through a comparative walkthrough method. This reveals platform elements, or mediators, that can influence the conversational capacity of selfies in terms of the following: range, the variety of discourses addressed within a selfie; reach, circulation within and across publics; and salience, the strength and clarity of discourses communicated through a selfie. These mediators are illustrated through LGBTQ celebrity Ruby Rose’s Instagram selfies and Vine videos. Instagram’s use expectations encourage selfies focused on mainstream discourses of normative beauty and conspicuous consumption with an emphasis on appearance, extending through features constraining selfies’ reach and salience. In contrast, Vine’s broader use expectations enable a variety of discourses to be communicated across publics with an emphasis on creative, first-person sharing. These findings are reflected in Rose’s Instagram selfies, which mute alternative discourses of gender and sexuality through desexualized and aesthetically appealing self-representations, while Vines display her personal side, enabling both LGBTQ and heterosexual, cisgender people to identify with her without minimizing non-normative aspects of her gender and sexuality. These findings demonstrate the relevance of platforms in shaping selfies’ conversational capacity, as mediators can influence whether selfies feature in conversations reinforcing dominant discourses or in counterpublic conversations, contributing to everyday activism that challenges normative gender and sexual discourses.

The last avant-garde?: Disability arts and (rethinking) mobility

Taking as its starting point a remark by Turner Prize nominee Yinka Shonibare that disability arts is “the last avant garde”, this panel focuses on the role of aesthetic experimentation in disability arts and the possible rethinking of the relationship between avant-garde aesthetic strategies and inclusive arts. Points of connection between the avant-garde and disability arts include a rejection of traditional aesthetic forms, the development of aesthetic strategies appropriate to non-normative bodies, politics and populations and the implications of these ideas for the conference themes. This panel is intended as a facilitated discussion involving researchers and artists undertaking work in this area. The panel will begin with some brief provocations reflecting on the implication of Shonibare’s comment. For example, Gerard Goggin will discuss three projects by Antoni Abad with artists and activists with disability in Barcelona, Geneva and Montreal as part of Abad’s Megaphone project, a decade-long, global digital art project. Bree Hadley will speak on performative interventions in public space, performance art, live art, activism and culture hacking by artists with disabilities, such as pwd's online performances, and artist’s performative responses to the austerity agenda in the US, UK, and Australasia. Eddie, Lachlan and Sarah will discuss ideas arising from their work on the project Beyond Access: The Creative Case for Inclusive Arts, which involved research with six Melbourne-based artists/artistic companies with disability, supported by Arts Access Victoria. Chair: Dr Eddie Paterson (School of Culture and Communication, Faculty of Arts, University of Melbourne) Dr Bree Hadley (Creative Industries, QUT) Professor Gerard Goggin (Professor of Media and Communication and ARC Future Fellow, University of Sydney) Dr Lachlan MacDowall (Head, Centre for Cultural Partnerships, University of Melbourne). Sarah Austin (PhD candidate, Theatre/Centre for Cultural Partnerships, VCA and MCM) Artists (tbc, based on existing relationships with artists developed in the Beyond Access research).

Theatre, networked performance, and notions of ‘democratised’ spectatorship

The potential to cultivate new relationships with spectators has long been cited as a primary motivator for those using digital technologies to construct networked or telematics performances or para-performance encounters in which performers and spectators come together in virtual – or at least virtually augmented – spaces and places. Today, with Web 2.0 technologies such as social media platforms becoming increasingly ubiquitous, and increasingly easy to use, more and more theatre makers are developing digitally mediated relationships with spectators. Sometimes for the purpose of an aesthetic encounter, sometimes for critical encounter, or sometimes as part of an audience politicisation, development or engagement agenda. Sometimes because this is genuinely an interest, and sometimes because spectators or funding bodies expect at least some engagement via Facebook, Twitter or Instagram. In this paper, I examine peculiarities and paradoxes emerging in some of these efforts to engage spectators via networked performance or para-performance encounters. I use examples ranging from theatre, to performance art, to political activism – from ‘cyberformaces’ on Helen Varley Jamieson’s Upstage Avatar Performance Platform, to Wafaa Bilal’s Domestic Tension installation where spectators around the world could use a webcam in a chat room to target him with paintballs while he was in residence in a living room set up in a gallery for a week, as a comment on use of drone technology in war, to Liz Crow’s Bedding Out where she invited people to physically and virtually join her in her bedroom to discuss the impact of an anti-disabled austerity politics emerging in her country, to Dislife’s use of holograms of disabled people popping up in disabled parking spaces when able bodied drivers attempted to pull into them, amongst others. I note the frequency with which these performance practices deploy discourses of democratisation, participation, power and agency to argue that these technologies assist in positioning spectators as co-creators actively engaged in the evolution of a performance (and, in politicised pieces that point to racism, sexism, or ableism, pushing spectators to reflect on their agency in that dramatic or daily-cum-dramatic performance of prejudice). I investigate how a range of issues – from the scenographic challenges in deploying networked technologies for both participant and bystander audiences others have already noted, to the siloisation of aesthetic, critical and audience activation activities on networked technologies, to conventionalised dramaturgies of response informed by power, politics and impression management that play out in online as much as offline performances, to the high personal, social and professional stakes involved in participating in a form where spectators responses are almost always documented, recorded and re-represented to secondary and tertiary sets of spectators via the circulation into new networks social media platforms so readily facilitate – complicate discourses of democratic co-creativity associated with networked performance and para-performance activities.

Participation in Urban Interaction Design for Civic Engagement

The future of civic engagement is characterised by both technological innovation as well as new technological user practices that are fuelled by trends towards mobile, personal devices; broadband connectivity; open data; urban interfaces; and cloud computing. These technology trends are progressing at a rapid pace, and have led global technology vendors to package and sell the “Smart City” as a centralised service delivery platform predicted to optimise and enhance cities’ key performance indicators – and generate a profitable market. The top-down deployment of these large and proprietary technology platforms have helped sectors such as energy, transport, and healthcare to increase efficiencies. However, an increasing number of scholars and commentators warn of another “IT bubble” emerging. Along with some city leaders, they argue that the top-down approach does not fit the governance dynamics and values of a liberal democracy when applied across sectors. A thorough understanding is required, of the socio-cultural nuances of how people work, live, play across different environments, and how they employ social media and mobile devices to interact with, engage in, and constitute public realms. Although the term “slacktivism” is sometimes used to denote a watered down version of civic engagement and activism that is reduced to clicking a “Like” button and signing online petitions, we believe that we are far from witnessing another Biedermeier period that saw people focus on the domestic and the non-political. There is plenty of evidence to the contrary, such as post-election violence in Kenya in 2008, the Occupy movements in New York, Hong Kong and elsewhere, the Arab Spring, Stuttgart 21, Fukushima, the Taksim Gezi Park in Istanbul, and the Vinegar Movement in Brazil in 2013. These examples of civic action shape the dynamics of governments, and in turn, call for new processes to be incorporated into governance structures. Participatory research into these new processes across the triad of people, place and technology is a significant and timely investment to foster productive, sustainable, and liveable human habitats. With this article, we want to reframe the current debates in academia and priorities in industry and government to allow citizens and civic actors to take their rightful centrepiece place in civic movements. This calls for new participatory approaches for co-inquiry and co-design. It is an evolving process with an explicit agenda to facilitate change, and we propose participatory action research (PAR) as an indispensable component in the journey to develop new governance infrastructures and practices for civic engagement. We do not limit our definition of civic technologies to tools specifically designed to simply enhance government and governance, such as renewing your car registration online or casting your vote electronically on election day. Rather, we are interested in civic media and technologies that foster citizen engagement in the widest sense, and particularly the participatory design of such civic technologies that strive to involve citizens in political debate and action as well as question conventional approaches to political issues. The rationale for this approach is an alternative to smart cities in a “perpetual tomorrow,” based on many weak and strong signals of civic actions revolving around technology seen today. It seeks to emphasise and direct attention to active citizenry over passive consumerism, human actors over human factors, culture over infrastructure, and prosperity over efficiency. First, we will have a look at some fundamental issues arising from applying simplistic smart city visions to the kind of a problem a city poses. We focus on the touch points between “the city” and its civic body, the citizens. In order to provide for meaningful civic engagement, the city must provide appropriate interfaces.

Legal Reasoning in Context

This study in EU law analyses the reasoning of the Court of Justice (the Court of Justice of the European Union) in a set of its preliminary rulings. Preliminary rulings are answers to national courts questions on the interpretation (and validity) of EU law called preliminary references. These questions concern specific legal issues that have arisen in legal disputes before the national courts. The Court of Justice alone has the ultimate authority to interpret EU law. The preliminary rulings bind the national courts in the cases giving rise to the preliminary reference, and the interpretations of EU law offered in the preliminary rulings are considered generally binding on all instances applying EU law. EU law is often described as a dynamic legal order and the Court of Justice as at the vanguard of developing it. It is generally assumed that the Court of Justice is striving to realise the EU s meta-level purpose (telos): integration. Against this backdrop one can understand the criticism the Court of Justice is often faced with in certain fields of EU law that can be described as developing. This criticism concerns the Court s (negatively) activist way of not just stating the law but developing or even making law. It is difficult to analyse or prove wrong this accusation as it is not in methodological terms clearly established what constitutes judicial activism, or more exactly where the threshold of negative activism lies. Moreover, one popular approach to assessing the role of the Court of Justice described as integration through law has become fairly political, neglecting to take into consideration the special nature of law as both facilitating and constraining action, not merely a medium for furthering integration. This study offers a legal reasoning approach of a more legalist nature, in order to balance the existing mix of approaches to explaining what the Court of Justice does and how. Reliance on legal reasoning is found to offer a working framework for analysis, whereas the tools for an analysis based on activism are found lacking. The legal reasoning approach enables one to assess whether or not the Court of Justice is pertaining to its own established criteria of interpretation of EU law, and if it is not, one should look more in detail at how the interpretation fits with earlier case-law and doctrines of EU law. This study examines the reasoning of the Court of Justice in a set of objectively chosen cases. The emphasis of the study is on analysing how the Court of Justice applies the established criteria of interpretation it has assumed for itself. Moreover, the judgments are assessed not only in terms of reasoning but also for meaningful silences they contain. The analysis is furthermore contextualised by taking into consideration how the cases were commented by legal scholars, their substantive EU law context, and also their larger politico-historical context. In this study, the analysis largely shows that the Court of Justice is interpreting EU law in accordance with its previous practice. Its reasoning retains connection with the linguistic or semiotic criteria of interpretation, while emphasis lies on systemic reasoning. Moreover, although there are a few judgments where the Court of Justice offers clearly dynamic reasoning or what can be considered as substantive reasoning stemming from, for example, common sense or reasonableness, such reasons are most often given in addition to systemic ones. In this sense and even when considered in its broader context, the case-law analysed in this study does not portray a specifically activist image of the Court of Justice. The legal reasoning approach is a valid alternative for explaining how and why the Court of Justice interprets EU law as it does.

The Liminality of Cosmopolitanism from the Global South – Transnational Activists in Costa Rica between Colonial Legacies and Decolonial Attitudes

The Master’s thesis examines whether and how decolonial cosmopolitanism is empirically traceable in the attitudes and practices of Costa Rican activists working in transnational advocacy organizations. Decolonial cosmopolitanism is defined as a form of cosmopolitanism from below that aims to propose ways of imagining – and putting into practice – a truly globe-encompassing civic community not based on relations of domination but on horizontal dialogue. This concept has been developed by and shares its basic presumptions with the theory on coloniality that the modernity/coloniality/decoloniality research group is putting forward. It is analyzed whether and how the workings of coloniality as underlying ontological assumption of decolonial cosmopolitanism and broadly subsumable under the three logics of race, capitalism, and knowledge, are traceable in intermediate postcolonial transnational advocacy in Costa Rica. The method of analysis chosen to approach these questions is content analysis, which is used for the analysis of qualitative semi-structured in-depth interviews with Costa Rican activists working in advocacy organizations with transnational ties. Costa Rica was chosen as it – while unquestionably a Latin American postcolonial country and thus within the geo-political context in which the concept was developed – introduces a complex setting of socio-cultural and political factors that put the explanatory potential of the concept to the test. The research group applies the term ‘coloniality’ to describe how the social, political, economic, and epistemic relations developed during the colonization of the Americas order global relations and sustain Western domination still today through what is called the logic of coloniality. It also takes these processes as point of departure for imagining how counter-hegemonic contestations can be achieved through the linking of local struggles to a global community that is based on pluriversality. The issues that have been chosen as most relevant expressions of the logic of coloniality in the context of Costa Rican transnational advocacy and that are thus empirically scrutinized are national identity as ‘white’ exceptional nation with gender equality (racism), the neoliberalization of advocacy in the Global South (capitalism), and finally Eurocentrism, but also transnational civil society networks as first step in decolonizing civic activism (epistemic domination). The findings of this thesis show that the various ways in which activists adopt practices and outlooks stemming from the center in order to empower themselves and their constituencies, but also how their particular geo-political position affects their work, cannot be reduced to one single logic of coloniality. Nonetheless, the aspects of race, gender, capitalism and epistemic hegemony do undeniably affect activist cosmopolitan attitudes and transnational practices. While the premisses on which the concept of decolonial cosmopolitanism is based suffer from some analytical drawbacks, its importance is seen in its ability to take as point of departure the concrete spaces in which situated social relations develop. It thus allows for perceiving the increasing interconnectedness between different levels of social and political organizing as contributing to cosmopolitan visions combining local situatedness with global community as normative horizon that have not only influenced academic debate, but also political projects.

Towards Explaining the Tasks and Roles of the Boards of Directors

While previous research has helped to improve our understanding of corporate governance and boards of directors, less is known about the factors that affect boards’ tasks and roles and directors’ motivation and engagement. This requires knowledge of how board decisions are being made and the internal and external factors that affect the decision-making process. Large inferential leaps have been made from board demographics to firm performance with equivocal results. This thesis concentrates on how the institutional, behavioral and social identification factors impact the enactment of board roles and tasks. Data used in this thesis were collected in 2009 through a mailed survey to Finnish large and middle-sized corporations. The findings suggest that firstly, the national context of an organization is reflected in board roles and shapes how and for what reasons the board roles are carried out; secondly, the directors’ human and external social capital invariably impacts their engagement in board tasks and that conflicts among directors moderate those relationships; finally, directors’ identification with the organization, its shareholders and its customers affect the directors’ involvement in board tasks. By addressing the impact of organisational context, board-internal behaviour and social identification of board members on board roles and tasks, this thesis firstly complements the shareholder supremacy view as the only reason for the board’s involvement with specific tasks; secondly questions the existence of the board as separate from its institutional context; and thirdly questions the view that a board is a ‘black box’, subject to a selection of input demographic variables and producing quantifiable results. The thesis demonstrates that boards are complex organisational bodies, which involve much interaction among board members. Director behaviour and its influence on board decision making is an important determinant of board tasks and boards are likely subjected to inter-group tensions and are susceptible to the influence of internal and external social forces.

Hannah Arendt y Walter Benjamin : masa, multitud, populacho

Resumen: Hannah Arendt y Walter Benjamin examinan los fenómenos asociativos de masa, multitud y populacho. Ambos sustraen tales grupos del ámbito político y los sitúan en el ámbito social. En Los orígenes del totalitarismo, Arendt indaga la noción de populacho o mob en el contexto del fenómeno imperialista. Asocia el carácter del populacho con el de la clase burguesa y posiciona ambos grupos en la emergencia de los nacionalismos tribales, ambos antecesores del totalitarismo. La masa es consustancial con los regímenes totalitarios. La apatía cívica, el cinismo y el derrumbe de las costumbres burguesas no alcanzan para explicar el fenómeno totalitario. El hombre masa ha perdido incluso el interés por sí mismo y el gusto por las asociaciones no partidarias. Walter Benjamin reflexiona literariamente los fenómenos de la bohème y de la multitud (crowd), a través de la poesía de Baudelaire y los relatos de Poe. El primer grupo incluye los conspiradores profesionales, cuyo aislamiento y resentimiento los emparenta con los miembros del mob. La falta de pertenencia y la ausencia de vínculos los conduce al activismo, sin un programa de acción. En el contexto de su reflexión sobre el fenómeno de la multitud, Benjamin indaga el impacto de las condiciones de vida moderna en las conductas automatizadas de los individuos. Los comportamientos reflejos, las respuestas automatizadas y los clichés, son las notas que también Arendt encuentra en el hombre “normal” y diluido en la masa, como lo evidenció la conducta de Eichmann durante el proceso en Jerusalén

Ascensão do judiciário e tensão institucional : judicialização, ativismo e reação do poder legislativo (PEC 33/2011)

Analisa questões sobre a judicialização dos conflitos e o ativismo judicial, bem como aspectos referentes à Proposta de Emenda Constitucional (PEC 33/2011) que visa alterar dispositivos do texto magno a fim de aumentar ou criar o controle do Legislativo sobre algumas das decisões do Supremo Tribunal Federal.

Ativismo judicial no Brasil : o Supremo Tribunal Federal como arena de deliberação política

Questão de grande relevância, nos dias atuais, no âmbito da Ciência Política, diz respeito às decisões políticas tomadas pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal, o que se denomina ativismo judicial. O termo ativismo judicial indica que a Corte está deixando de se restringir à atividade interpretativa, para estabelecer novas condutas, criando direito novo. A tendência tem sido a de levar as questões políticas para serem debatidas no âmbito judicial, de forma que assuntos políticos passam a ser exteriorizados como jurídicos. Em todos esses temas, devemos ter em conta que o balizamento tanto da atividade política como da atuação jurídica é a Constituição. Todavia, o que se tem observado é que Supremo passou a adotar uma nova postura interpretativa, de modo a permitir que, por via hermenêutica, torne-se possível corrigir a lei, modificá-la ou mesmo criar direito novo onde a lei nada especifica, além de permitir a criação de normas de caráter constitucional por decisão judicial. Três casos importantes ilustram bem esse cenário: a verticalização das coligações, a instalação obrigatória de comissões parlamentares de inquérito e a perda de mandato decorrente da troca de partido. Por serem temas de cunho eminentemente político, as decisões judiciais proferidas nessas matérias enquadram-se bem no campo do ativismo judicial, daí por que foram escolhidos como estudos de caso. O objetivo da tese é identificar as causas dessa nova postura do Supremo Tribunal Federal, tendo em vista que ela rompe com o entendimento adotado na jurisprudência anterior, em que essas mesmas matérias eram consideradas estritamente políticas e, portanto, fora da competência decisória da Corte.

Disciplinamento do processo e julgamento do mandado de injunção : uma análise sistemática

Analisa o Projeto de Lei nº 6.002/1990 e apensos, que pretendem disciplinar o processo e julgamento do mandado de injunção individual e coletivo. A abordagem e o desenvolvimento da pesquisa serão realizados no contexto da judicialização da política ou do ativismo judicial, questionando-se qual será a efetividade dos limites/parâmetros impostos ao Supremo Tribunal Federal, acaso o Projeto de Lei nº 6.002/1990 e apensos, se transformem em norma jurídica. Tem-se como hipótese compreender se o pretenso disciplinamento limitará o ativismo judicial que retira o protagonismo do Poder Legislativo e o seu papel preponderante de poder legiferante. Os objetivos específicos da pesquisa são examinar a extensão e os efeitos das decisões do Supremo Tribunal Federal no julgamento de alguns mandados de injunção; avaliar se a conduta omissiva do Poder Legislativo causa prejuízos à sua própria imagem e se essa omissão inviabiliza o exercício de direitos, liberdades e prerrogativas constitucionais. A metodologia do trabalho será balizada na análise sistemática dos Mandados de Injunção números 107/1989-DF, 631/2000-MS, 670/2002-ES, 708/2004-DF, 712/2004-PA, 721/2005- DF, 758/2007-DF, 786/2007-DF e 795/2007-DF; na análise do Projeto de Lei nº 6.002/1990 e apensos; na Constituição Federal. O trabalho terá como principais referenciais teóricos e conceituais fontes e bibliografia apropriadas, a exemplo dos doutrinadores Alexandre de Moraes, Cândido Rangel Dinamarco, José Afonso da Silva, José Joaquim Gomes Canotilho,Luís Roberto Barroso e Manoel Gonçalves Ferreira Filho.

Capacidad informativa de los resultados contables en la empresa familiar

[ES] El presente trabajo analiza la relación entre el control familiar y la credibilidad de los resultados contables. Utilizando un panel de datos de empresas españolas cotizadas no financieras para el período 1997-2003, los resultados alcanzados muestran que la credibilidad de la información contable de la empresa familiar es inferior a la de la no familiar. Asimismo, el incremento de los derechos de voto en manos del último propietario familiar incide negativamente en la credibilidad de sus resultados divulgados. Las únicas empresas en las que la naturaleza familiar incide positivamente en la credibilidad de la información contable son aquellas en las que el presidente del consejo de administración no pertenece a la familia controladora.

Conflito de interesses na sociedade de economia mista: interesse público versus interesse privado

A presente tese tem por objetivo tratar do conflito de interesses na sociedade de economia mista. Referida sociedade tem na sua base constitutiva o conflito como elemento inerente. Por possuir capital público e privado, não é fácil solucionar facilmente os problemas que se apresentam no decorrer de sua existência frente à possibilidade de que o detentor do poder de controle pode decidir em prol do interesse público. E é visando limitar a má utilização do interesse público como resposta à tomada de decisões por parte do acionista controlador que se propõe uma mudança de paradigma. Para tanto, propõe-se analisar o papel do Estado empresário na atual conjuntura de limitação de intervenção do Estado na economia. Também é abordada a forma com que o poder Executivo vem intervindo no mercado, de forma a limitar a livre iniciativa e, por vezes, até mesmo eivada de certa inconstitucionalidade. No entanto, para evitar que haja afronta à Constituição no que diz respeito à exploração de atividade econômica por parte do Estado sem que sejam observados os limites constitucionais impostos, apresenta-se o meta-interesse como meio de solução. Sendo o meta-interesse o interesse da própria companhia, e considerando que o interesse público que fundamenta a autorização para a criação da sociedade de economia mista se extingue com a criação da referida companhia, tem-se que as normas que devem reger as sociedades de economia mista são as normas de direito privado. Com o meta-interesse o Estado passa a intervir na seara privada em igualdade de condições com as demais companhias, não podendo mais se valer de sua posição de acionista majoritário para tomar decisões que conflitem com o interesse da companhia e que privilegiem o interesse público secundário ou até mesmo o interesse político do Estado em detrimento do interesse social e dos acionistas minoritários. Dessa forma, o meta-interesse tem por finalidade colocar fim aos conflitos em relação à aplicação das normas jurídicas e as indefinições da própria natureza da sociedade de economia mista.

Avaliando o presente e projetando o futuro: Rede Nacional de Adolescentes e Jovens Vivendo com HIV/Aids (RNAJVHA) RJ; histórias de vida

O presente estudo tem como objetivo compreender o impacto de questões relacionadas ao HIV/Aids na vida dos adolescentes e jovens, ativistas da REDE NACIONAL DE ADOLESCENTES E JOVENS VIVENDO COM HIV/AIDS (RNAJVHA) e da REDE ESTADUAL DE ADOLESCENTES E JOVENS VIVENDO COM HIV/AIDS DO RIO DE JANEIRO (REAJVHA-RJ), na faixa etária de 18 a 24 anos, infectados pela transmissão do vírus HIV, independentemente da via de contaminação, que fazem parte da construção do ativismo social da 3. fase da epidemia, momento pós acesso universal e gratuito aos tratamentos e medicamentos antirretrovirais na saúde pública, política exitosa promovida pelo Ministério da Saúde, fornecidos pelo Sistema Único de Saúde. Para tanto, usou-se como metodologia as narrativas das suas histórias de vida, como instrumento de pesquisa, buscando compreender: sentimentos, motivações, processos de composição e recomposição de identidades, gestão de riscos à saúde, forma de relacionamento com as diversas redes sociais, integração da história individual na história coletiva mais ampla do movimento social, na busca de ampliar as oportunidades de compreender e refletir sobre o impacto da epidemia de HIV/Aids nesses adolescentes e jovens que fazem parte da RNAJVHA e REAJVHA-RJ. Reconstruir as experiências individuais históricas de suas vidas e de suas culturas, identificar os momentos desses adolescentes e jovens antes e posteriormente a sua entrada no ativismo juvenil, identificar, ainda, os momentos de enfrentamento dos fatos da vida como portador de sorologia positiva para o HIV. Estas condições e conquistas guiaram e influenciaram seus cursos de vida, focando assim os dinâmicos processos de mudanças, orfandade, negociações, lidar com o preconceito, sexualidade, solidariedade com o outro, reformulações, articulações e adesão ao tratamento. Analisamos as movimentações presentes na vida social e na existência do adolescente e jovem, como indivíduos de direitos e deveres que exercem suas funções de atores/autores de suas próprias histórias de vida através do ativismo e militância jovem em HIV/Aids. Esta pesquisa traz o reinventar de um novo ativismo em HIV/Aids.