998 resultados para inégalités, mesure, enseignement supérieur, gouvernance, ethnicité, religion, Europe


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Le présent travail de recherche se propose d’analyser les dispositifs de gouvernance nodale de la sécurité locale en France, alors que le paradigme a vu le jour et s’est développé dans les pays anglo-saxons fortement décentralisés. C’est qu’en France les dispositifs de gouvernance nodale s’apparentent bien plus à un dialogue entre central et local qu’entre secteur public et privé. La recherche identifie ainsi les caractéristiques de la gouvernance nodale au cœur des dispositifs partenariaux de la sécurité locale, supportés par le Contrat Local de Sécurité (CLS), le Conseil Local de Sécurité et de Prévention de la Délinquance (CLSPD) ou encore le Groupe Local de Traitement de la Délinquance (GLTD). La recherche identifie ainsi les stratégies de décentrage de l’État et de transfert de la production de sécurité vers une diversité d’acteurs locaux, dont les maires et les services municipaux. Une diversité de politiques publiques locales de sécurité de pertinences différentes voit alors le jour. Le premier enseignement de cette recherche est l’importance du rôle joué par le node super-structurel, que nous appelons super-node et qui regroupe le maire ou l’élu local à la sécurité, le responsable de la police d’État, celui de la police municipale et le représentant de l’État. Il apparaît que dans le dispositif de gouvernance nodale, ce groupe informel génère la dynamique collective qui permet de regrouper, tant les producteurs que les consommateurs de sécurité locale gravitant au sein du réseau local de sécurité. La quarantaine d’entrevues qualitatives permet également d’identifier que la Justice, productrice de sécurité comme peut l’être aussi la sécurité privée ou la médiation sociale, apparaît plus distante que ce que pouvait laisser penser l’étude des textes réglementaires organisant le partenariat. Les bailleurs sociaux, les transporteurs et l’Éducation nationale apparaissent clairement comme des acteurs importants, mais périphériques de sécurité, en intégrant cette « famille élargie » de la sécurité locale. Le deuxième enseignement est relatif au fonctionnement même du dispositif nodal ainsi que du super-node, la recherche permettant d’identifier les ressources mutualisées par l’ensemble des nodes. Cela permet également d’identifier les mécanismes de répartition des tâches entre les différents acteurs et plus particulièrement entre les deux organisations policières d’État et municipale, travaillant autant en compétition, qu’en complémentarité. Cette recherche explore également le rôle joué par l’information dans le fonctionnement du super-node ainsi que l’importance de la confiance dans les relations interpersonnelles des représentants des nodes au sein du super-node. Enfin, l’étude permet également de mettre en perspective les limites du dispositif actuel de gouvernance nodale : le défaut avéré d’outils performants permettant d’informer convenablement le super-node quant aux phénomènes de violence ainsi que d’évaluer l’efficience du dispositif. Cela permet également de questionner l’autonomie des dispositifs de gouvernance nodale, la confiance pouvant ouvrir à la déviance et la collégialité au défaut de la traçabilité de la responsabilité. La fracture avec la société civile apparaît clairement et ne facilite pas le contrôle sur un mode de production de sécurité qui se développe en parallèle des dispositifs traditionnels de démocratie locale.

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Today, transparency is hailed as a key to good governance and economic efficiency, with national states implementing new laws to allow citizens access to information. It is therefore paradoxical that, as shown by a series of crises and scandals, modern governments and international agencies frequently have paid only lip-service to such ideals. Since Jeremy Bentham first introduced the concept of transparency into the language in 1789, few societal debates have sparked so much interest within the academic community, and across a variety of disciplines, using different approaches and methodologies. Within these current debates, however, one fact is striking: the lack of historical reflection about the development of the concept of transparency, both as a principle and as applied in practice, prior to its inception. Accordingly, the aim of this special issue is to contribute to historicising the ways in which communication and control over fiscal policy and state finances operated in early modern European polities.

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Résumé Le propos général de ce travail est de s’interroger sur l’importance d’une éducation plurilingue et interculturelle dans le panorama mondial actuel, complexe et diversifié et sur les modalités qu’on peut utiliser pour faire de cette diversité, apparemment problématique, une richesse supplémentaire. Le problème de la pluralité linguistique en Europe est encore loin de trouver une réponse consensuelle. Je commencerai ainsi ce mémoire par une brève analyse de cette problématique et je m’arrêterai à une approche spécifique : l’intercompréhension entre langues apparentées, une solution possible et souhaitable dans le cadre d’une croissante mobilité intra-européenne. Le travail est divisé en trois parties, chacune correspondante à un chapitre. La première partie est consacrée au thème du « plurilinguisme » et au besoin d’une éducation plurilingue en Europe. La deuxième partie veut parcourir rapidement la question des politiques linguistiques, notamment de celles mise en place par l’Italie et la France dans le cadre de la diffusion et de l’apprentissage des langues. Dans la troisième partie, j’ analyserai, de manière plus approfondie, l’approche de l’intercompréhension, cherchant de donner une définition et une explication de ce concept et de faire comprendre son importance à l’intérieur de notre société. Je présenterai, en outre, comme exemples illustratifs, les plusieurs projets européens présents sur la scène. Le mémoire se terminera avec des réflexions de caractère général sur le sujet.

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For several centuries, Japanese scholars have argued that their nation’s culture—including its language, religion and ways of thinking—is somehow unique. The darker side of this rhetoric, sometimes known by the English term “Japanism” (nihon-jinron), played no small role in the nationalist fervor of the late-nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. While much of the so-called “ideology of Japanese uniqueness” can be dismissed, in terms of the Japanese approach to “religion,” there may be something to it. This paper highlights some distinctive—if not entirely unique—features of the way religion has been categorized and understood in Japanese tradition, contrasting these with Western (i.e., Abrahamic), and to a lesser extent Indian and Chinese understandings. Particular attention is given to the priority of praxis over belief in the Japanese religious context. Des siècles durant, des chercheurs japonais ont soutenu que leur culture – soit leur langue, leur religion et leurs façons de penser – était en quelque sorte unique. Or, sous son jour le plus sombre, cette rhétorique, parfois désignée du terme de « japonisme » (nihon-jinron), ne fut pas sans jouer un rôle déterminant dans la montée de la ferveur nationaliste à la fin du XIXe siècle, ainsi qu’au début du XXe siècle. Bien que l’on puisse discréditer pour l’essentiel cette soi-disant « idéologie de l’unicité japonaise », la conception nippone de la « religion » constitue, quant à elle, un objet d’analyse des plus utiles et pertinents. Cet article met en évidence quelques caractéristiques, sinon uniques du moins distinctives, de la manière dont la religion a été élaborée et comprise au sein de la tradition japonaise, pour ensuite les constrater avec les conceptions occidentale (abrahamique) et, dans une moindre mesure, indienne et chinoise. Une attention toute particulière est ici accordée à la praxis plutôt qu’à la croyance dans le contexte religieux japonais.

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This project set out to investigate the effects of the recent massive social transitions in Eastern Europe on the everyday social lives of the inhabitants of three very different nations: Georgia, Russia and Hungary. It focused in particular on the availability and nature of the support networks available to three different segments of each of the societies (manual workers, students and entrepreneurs) and the impact of network participation on psychological and physical well-being. The group set four specific questions to investigate: the part played by individual psychological beliefs in the formation and maintenance of social networks and the consequent formation of trusting relations; the implication of the size and quality of these networks for mental health; the nature of the social groups inhabited by the respondents and the implication of their work schedule and daily routines on the maintenance of a social and family life; and an analysis of how cultures vary in their social networks and intimacy. Three different methods were used to examine social support and its implications: structured questionnaires, semi-structured short interviews and a media analysis of newspaper materials. The questionnaires were administered to 150 participants in each country, equally divided between students studying full time, manual workers employed in factories, and business people (small kiosk owners, whose work and life style differs considerably from that of the manual workers). The questionnaires investigated various predictors of social support including the locus of control, relationship beliefs, individualism-collectivism and egalitarianism, demographic variables (age, gender and occupation), social support, both in general and in relation to significant events that have occurred since the transition from communism. Those with an internal locus of control were more likely to report a higher level of social support, as were collectivists, while age too was a significant predictor, with younger respondents enjoying higher levels of support, regardless of the measures of support employed. Respondents across the cultures referred to a decline of social support and the group also found a direct correlation between social support and mental health outcomes. All 450 respondents were interviewed on their general responses to changes in their lives since the fall of communism and the effects of their work lives on their social lives and the home environment. The interviews revealed considerable variations in the way in which work-life offered opportunities for a broader social life and also provided a hindrance to the development of fulfilling relationships. Many of the work experiences discussed were culture specific, with work having a particularly negative impact on the social life of Russian entrepreneurs but being seen much more positively in Georgia. This may reflect the nature of support offered in a society as overall support levels were lowest in Russia, meaning that social support may be of particular importance there. The way in cultural values and norms about personal relationships are transmitted in a culture is a critical issue for social psychologists and the group examined newspaper articles in those newspapers read by the respondents in each of the three countries. These revealed a number of different themes. The concept of a divided society and its implications for personal relationships was clearest in Russian and Hungary, where widely-read newspapers dwelt on the contrast between "new Russians/Hungarians" and the older, poorer ones and extended considerable sympathy to those suffering from neglect in institutions. Magyar Nemzet, a paper widely read by Hungarian students reflects the generally more pessimistic tone about personal relationships in Russia and Hungary and gave a particularly detailed analysis of the implications this holds for human relations in a modern society. In Georgia, however, the tone of the newspapers is more positive, stressing greater social cohesion. Part of this cohesion is framed in the context of religion, with the church appealing to a broader egalitarianism, whereas in less egalitarian Hungary appeals by the Church are centred more on the nuclear family and its need for expansion in both size and influence. The division between the sexes was another prominent issue in Hungary and Russia, while the theme of generational conflict also emerged in Hungarian and Georgian papers, although with some understanding of "young people today". The team's original expectation that the different newspapers read by the different groups of respondents would present differing images of personal relationships was not fulfilled, as despite variations in style, they found little clear "ideological targeting" of any particular readership. They conclude that the vast majority of respondents recognised that the social transition from communism has had a significant impact on the well-being of social relationships and that this is a pertinent issue for all segments of society. While the group see the data collected as a source to be worked on for some time in the future, their initial impressions include the following. Social support is clearly an important concern across all three countries. All respondents (including the students) lament the time taken up by their heavy work schedules and value their social networks and family ties in particular. The level of social support differs across the countries investigated, with Georgian apparently enjoying significantly higher levels of social support. The analysis produced an image of a relatively cohesive and egalitarian society in which even the group most often seen as distant from the general population, business people, is supported by a strong social network. In contrast, the support networks available to the Russian respondents seem particularly weak and reflect a general sense of division and alienation within the culture as a whole. The implications of low levels of social support may vary across countries. While Russians reported the lowest level of mental health problems, the link between social support and mental health may be strongest in that country. In contrast, in Hungary it is the link between fatalism and mental health problems which is particularly strong, while in Georgia the strongest correlation was between mental health and marital quality, emphasising the significance of the marital relationship in that country.

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Zarycki studied the political map of Central Europe today on the basis of results of recent parliamentary and/or presidential elections in the Czech Republic, Hungary, L8ithuania, Poland, Slovakia and Ukraine. He identified first the structure of regional political cleavages, then the spatial patterns emerging in different countries. He also considered the significance and eventual regional differentiation of various possible influences on these patterns, including urbanisation, historical heritage, ethnic factors, population movements, economic differentiation, the effects of the transformation, demographic factors, education and religion. Virtually all the countries showed a cleavage between more traditional, anti (or non-) communist regions and secular areas with higher post-communist support. Except in Ukraine and the Czech Republic, the post-communist party is dominated by the direct heirs of the former communist parties transformed into moderate left parties. The second major class of cleavages was typical of the Visegrad countries, i.e. the conflict between liberal, mostly metropolitan, regions and a different periphery, usually with a strong populist or anti-liberal appeal. This usually depends on the existence of a sizeable well-educated class, usually pro-market and pro-Western, and on the resolution of the conflict between post and anti-Communists. The third type of cleavage is based on ethnic factors and is clearest in Lithuania and Slovakia, where there are large ethnic minorities. Of factors influencing political behaviour, the two major ones identified were the historical heritage and urbanisation.

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In January 2011 some fifty scholars from different parts of Europe met in Groningen, the Netherlands for an expert meeting entitled Gender in theology and religion: a success story?! to analyze the factors that contribute to the successful mainstreaming of gender in a theological discipline and to reflect on the future of gender studies in theology and religious studies. Different speakers highlighted the many successes of gender studies in theology and religious studies: its power to 'trouble' the disciplines and their heuristic categories; its contribution to the development of other disciplines such as queer studies and postcolonial studies; the many PhD studies produced; the number of significant publications that had appeared over the last years. All indicate that gender studies in theology and religious studies have matured. But the participants also pointed towards the ambiguity of the success of gender studies in the academy: the indeterminacy of the institutional position and positions of gender studies in the theological disciplines in seminaries, departments faculties and universities; the lack of male scholars’ engagement in gender studies, which is expressed by their absence in these studies and/or the low reception of gender studies publications in their disciplines. Both ambiguities represent a danger for the future of gender studies, according to the participants in the meeting. In order to further the success of gender in theology and religion they formulated the following recommendations: to analyze the position of these studies in their institutions from the perspective of the implied audience (church, academy, ordinary theologians); engage men in gender studies; embrace the cultural turn in religious studies; develop interdisciplinary cooperations with gender studies in the humanities; engage creatively with the changing role of religion in contemporary society; analyze whose perspective one follows and authorizes in the perception of theology, religious studies and gender studies themselves; record the history of women’s and gender studies in theology and religion, and honor and celebrate the successes.